NATO MULTIMEDIA ACCOUNT

Access NATO’s broadcast-quality video content free of charge

Register

Create an account

Create an account

Check your inbox and enter verification code

We have sent a verification code to your email address. . Enter the code to verify your account. This code will expire in 30 minutes.
Verification code

Didn't receive a code? Send new Code

You have successfully created your account

From now on you can download videos from our website

Subscribe to our newsletter

If you would also like to subscribe to the newsletter and receive our latest updates, click on the button below.

Reset password

Enter the email address you registered with and we will send you a code to reset your password.

Log in or Create an account
Reset password
Check your inbox and enter verification code
We have sent a verification code to your email address. Enter the code to verify your account. This code will expire in 30 minutes.
Verification code

Didn't receive a code? Send new Code

Create a new password

The password must be at least 12 characters long, no spaces, include upper/lowercase letters, numbers and symbols.

Your password has been updated

Click the button to return to the page you were on and log in with your new password.

Thank you very much, Wolfgang, for this opportunity to discuss an issuewhich is central to Europe and Euro-Atlantic security: the relationshipbetween NATO and Russia.
This was the topic of my first speech as NATO-Secretary General, in2009.   I said then what I am convinced remains truetoday: that of all NATO’s partner relations, none holds greaterpotential than that between NATO and Russia.  But today, thatpotential is not being fully met.  

We face a clear choice. Between accepting cold cooperation.Or aiming for constructive engagement. And moving forward towards thestrategic partnership which offers the common security we seek.

The fact is that we do more together today than ever before. Russiasupports our operation in Afghanistan with transit.  Togetherwe train officials in the region to stop drugs from crossing ourborders.  We are developing technologies to stop terroristscarrying bombs in the Metro or hijacking airplanes.  We aretaking old, dangerous weapons out of the ground and out of service inKaliningrad.  We have agreed on supporting the efforts toremove chemical weapons from Syria.  

And we are right now exploring how we can help in practical terms inthe framework of our NATO-Russia Council.  I count on Russiato do its utmost to press the Syrian Government to deliver on itscommitments.

And overall in our relationship, I think  we should be moreambitious. We should be bolder in addressing our challenges. Because weshare fundamental interests.

We share the need for stability in our neighbourhood and the wholeEuro-Atlantic area.
The need to stem terrorism, extremism and proliferation in the MiddleEast and North Africa which threaten all of us.  And the needto deepen economic cooperation and trade between our nations in aglobalised world.  

I am convinced that the vision that we agreed in 2010 in Lisbon remainsthe right one: a true strategic partnership between NATO and Russia.
But I am concerned that in key areas, we remain too far apart.

I get concerned when I hear talk of deploying offensive -- notdefensive, but offensive -- weapons systems. Such as fighterdetachments to Belarus, Iskander missiles to Kaliningrad, or moremilitary forces to the Arctic.  I get concerned when I hearour missile defence system consistently – and falsely - described asoffensive by Russia.  And I get concerned when I hear thatRussia views NATO’s Open Door policy as a threat like internationalterrorism.  

Let me be clear. None of us wants a return to the dividing lines andthe hostility of the past. So let us stop using the words and the waysof the past. And move forward.

In Lisbon, NATO and Russia agreed to contribute to the development of acommon space of peace, security and stability in the Euro-Atlanticarea.  This does not mean new treaties.  It meanssticking to principles and taking concrete steps.  

First, we must refrain from threats against each other.  Thisis what we agreed in the NATO-Russia Founding Act in 1997.And it is why the deployment of new offensive weapons has no place in atrue strategic partnership.  Instead, we should buildconfidence and transparency, as outlined in our 2002 Rome Declaration.

Second, we must comply with the principles of the 1999 OSCE Charter forEuropean Security.  

This reaffirmed the inherent right of each state to be free to chooseor change its security arrangements and alliances.  Ukrainemust have the freedom to choose its own path without external pressure.

And democratic principles and the rule of law must berespected.  And minorities must be protected -- not persecuted.
And third, we should reach an agreement on missile defencecooperation.   We have heard Russia’s concern thatNATO’s system would undermine its strategic nucleardeterrent.  But frankly, this ignores the facts and the lawsof physics.  NATO has offered to link our two missile defencesystems.  It would bring our experts together on a 24/7basis.  It would build trust and transparency.  Andit would improve protection for all of us – in Russia, and in Europe.

But so far, Russia has rejected NATO’s proposal. If we want to moveforward, we have no time to waste. Now is not the time forexcuses.  It is the time to engage.  So I proposethat we set a reasonable deadline and find a pragmatic agreement on howto move forward.  

Fourth, we need to get arms control back on track. 

We need to see progress on reductions in sub-strategic nuclearweapons.  At NATO, we are prepared to talk about thetransparency of these weapons.  And I call on Russia to engagein talks with us.  But Russia has to be ready to discuss theseissues without preconditions.  The Russian demand for NATO toremove all nuclear weapons in Europe, before we even startnegotiations, will lead nowhere.

We also need to discuss our conventional weapons.  Russia hassaid it will never come back to the Conventional Forces in EuropeTreaty. But we do need to discuss how to rebuild a regime that makesall of us more secure.  

And we need to return to reciprocal, regular exchanges on militaryexercises.  We need to be more transparent with each otherabout all of our military exercises and activities to increase trustand confidence.

Ladies and Gentlemen,
None of this will happen overnight. But with political will, we canavoid the risk of cold cooperation.  We can move forwardtowards constructive engagement.  And the true strategicpartnership we agreed to achieve.

Thank you.