Address

Good evening, Ladies and Gentlemen,

It is always a pleasure for me to return to Rome, particularly when I am treated to such an excellent meal and invited to join such distinguished company. But of course, everything has a price. And this evening the price of my meal is a few words. I have numerous memories of excellent dinners being ruined by long, and boring, after dinner speeches - often given by Italian speakers. So the least I can do is promise you that I shall not speak for too long.

As NATO's Deputy Secretary General, I frequently find myself having to correct people's misconceptions about NATO. I am sure there are no such misconceptions here this evening. But just to make sure, let me share with you those I come across most often. The Cold War is over, and the relevance of NATO can no longer be measured by the number of troops that we have stationed in Germany. Today, NATO's relevance comes not only from deterrence, but also from the stability and security it is able to actively provide. Bosnia and Herzegovina is the perfect example of where NATO commitment has brought peace, stability and security. And that NATO commitment means a joint commitment from North America and Europe.

For many people, NATO equals the United States. While the United States is indeed a major NATO ally, it is only one of 26. The majority of the other allies are European. So, it is important to remember that NATO is a unique organisation that brings Europe and North America together. NATO equals North America and Europe. And although North America and Europe continue to provide NATO with immense military capability, NATO now offers much more as well. In its 55 years of existence, NATO has acquired considerable experience and expertise in the broader political and security fields. And this experience and expertise is available in the form of advice and guidance to those partner countries who want it. This should be seen as "added value", over and above NATO's pure military hardware.

So, having ensured that we have a common understanding of NATO, where does it stand at the moment? In February of last year, the Iraq controversy hit NATO and a number of people were forecasting NATO's demise. These forecasters got it badly wrong. Our Summit in Istanbul in June showed that the Alliance is still very much in business. And that North America and Europe are still very much together. And not only are we still very much in business, but we have an agenda that is more ambitious and demanding than ever before. As a direct result of "9/11", we have had to develop a new approach to security - and we are now actively pursuing that approach.

The first feature of this new approach is a new understanding of how to provide security today. Providing security today means projecting stability in regions far away from home. In a strategic environment that is marked by terrorism, failed states and proliferation, we have to be able to tackle the problems when are where they arise. We have to act, and act quickly, otherwise these problems will end up on our doorstep. Most of today's challenges emerge from places outside of Europe. This means that we had to move NATO beyond being a purely "Eurocentric" Alliance. This is exactly what we have done and was demonstrated in our decision last year to deploy to Afghanistan. And it was reinforced this year at Istanbul, when we decided to expand our role in Afghanistan as well as take on a role in Iraq. As you will be aware, NATO has completed its reinforcement of Afghanistan and is now ready to support tomorrow's presidential elections. We are already assisting Iraq to train its security forces, and we will enhance this effort soon. In addition, we are also considering in what other ways we might be able to help the Iraqi government to bring security and stability to that country.

The significance of these developments can hardly be overstated. After more than half a century, NATO is finally turning into a framework for action wherever common security interests demand it.

This is a fundamental change, a transformation, in the way we think about - and employ - the Alliance. And this political transformation needs to be accompanied by the second feature of our new approach to security - military transformation. Put simply, the new missions require new capabilities, both to allow for a more rapid response to crises, as well as for long-term peace support operations. And through NATO's military reforms, we are addressing both these requirements.

Regarding the need for rapid responses, we now have the NATO Response Force. The NRF has already stood up and will achieve its initial operational capability next week. It gives NATO Allies the capability to engage quickly, and collectively, wherever required.

But deploying the forces in an initial wave on a mission is only the beginning. We need to sustain those missions. You are probably aware of the problems we had in generating some of the forces we need to expand our mission in Afghanistan. That is why we are now reforming our force planning and force generation procedures, to bring them more in line with our political decision-making process. And we are also looking at how we fund our operations. These measures will help to ensure that our military means match our political ambitions.

Alongside our operations and efforts to improve our capabilities, we have the third feature of our new approach to security - stronger partnerships. And it is on this feature of our new approach to security that I should like to dwell for a few moments.

Global challenges demand a global response and NATO is therefore intensifying its relations with its partners. Through our commitment to partnership, we strive to bring stability and security to our partner countries. We offer the experience and expertise I mentioned earlier. We bring transparency, which leads to confidence and trust. And confidence and trust in turn bring stability and security for everyone in the region. Our partnerships also lead to a better understanding of, and interoperability with, NATO. This leads to opportunities for partners' participation in NATO-led operations, as well as their involvement in the decision making process relating to those operations.

As a result of decisions taken in Istanbul, we are deepening our ties with our Partners, especially those in the Caucasus and Central Asia. We continue to deepen our partnerships with Russia and with Ukraine. And we are strengthening our dialogue with countries as far away as China, Japan and Australia. But probably of most interest to you, is our decision to enhance relations with our Mediterranean Dialogue partners in Northern Africa and the Middle East, and our decision to launch the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative.

Our Mediterranean Dialogue celebrates its 10th anniversary this year. It has developed steadily over that period and our cooperative work programme now includes subjects as diverse as airspace management; border security; counter-terrorism; defence reform; civil emergency planning; military exercises, training and education; and meteorology. Within our Istanbul Cooperation Initiative, we have offered similar cooperation to the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council. Last week, I visited Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain to describe what NATO could offer and hear their views. They all expressed a genuine interest in cooperating with NATO and will send delegations to NATO for further consultations. Before the end of the year I shall visit Qatar, Oman and Saudi Arabia, where I anticipate similar enthusiasm for what NATO has to offer.

But a comprehensive approach to security today requires not only enhanced partnerships with individual countries, but also enhanced partnerships with other institutions. This includes the United Nations, the OSCE and the European Union. When I look at Afghanistan, where NATO plays a key role as a military stabiliser, I see the EU as the biggest financial donor. This suggests to me that more coordination and cooperation between NATO and the EU would be beneficial. And the same logic of NATO-EU working closer together also applies to other regions such as the Broader Middle East and Africa. These possibilities, and their implications, could lead me to talk for ages. But I had promised you that I would keep my address short, so perhaps this idea is better taken up in discussion tomorrow.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I have given you a clear statement of the challenges facing NATO - challenges that demand transformation - including in the area of partnerships. NATO stands ready to provide assistance and advice to those who request it. And I am confident that as our partnerships deepen, stability and security, for all of us, will be enhanced. Thank you.