'NATO at 60 – Traditional Values and New Threats'

Mr. Speaker,
Ministers,
Members of Parliament,
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,

Thank you for inviting me to address this 14th NATO Conference. The fact that it is the 14th conference testifies to the Hungarians strong commitment to this Alliance, and it is a great pleasure for me to be here today.

Earlier this year, when I was offered the job of Secretary General of NATO, I could hardly wait to get down to work. Because the Atlantic Alliance is a unique and invaluable organisation. It is the place where North America and Europe agree on common action. And where the most effective militaries in the world defend our common security, our common values and our common interests – together.

I am aware, however, that NATO is facing tremendous challenges – challenges that are perhaps more daunting than anything NATO has had to face in its 60-year history. We are engaged in demanding missions and operations on several continents – missions and operations that tax our military capabilities as much as our political will. And, at the same time, we need to look ahead and try to anticipate what the future holds in store.

Can we meet these challenges? Can 28 sovereign nations agree on a way forward – and stay the course even if the going gets rough? There can be only one answer – and that answer must be a clear “yes”. But if we want it to be a clear “yes”, then there are three key areas that I firmly believe we need to address, head on.

The first area is our very understanding of security. NATO’s core task was, is, and will remain, the defence of our territory and our populations.

For our Alliance to endure, all members must feel that they are safe and secure. NATO has never failed in this respect. And it never will.

But the world is changing. Today, our survival is no longer simply a matter of deterring hostile nations from invading our territory. Our survival can be put at risk by developments that happen far away from home. Geographic distance will not protect us.

And that means we have to engage: to deal with problems when and where they emerge, before they end up on our doorstep.

In other words, in today’s globalised world, territorial defence no longer starts at our borders – it starts well away from them. And this fundamental change in how we need to approach our security is clearly demonstrated by our engagement in Afghanistan. And I should like to say a few words about that operation.

Let me start by saying how much I value the tremendous contribution made by Hungary to the ISAF operation. Your country’s soldiers are doing a fantastic job, both in the Provincial Reconstruction Team at Pol-e-Khomri, and at Regional Command North in Mazar-e-Sharif.

We all know that the past months have been extremely demanding for all our forces there – both Afghan and ISAF – and we have suffered significant numbers of casualties.

And it is perhaps therefore not surprising that some people, including here in Hungary, are beginning to ask whether the price of our engagement in Afghanistan is too high; whether it costs too much, both in blood and treasure; and whether it actually makes any difference at all to their security at home.

I understand these concerns, but I think it’s because these people don’t realise just how much we have achieved already.

It is worth reminding ourselves that Al Qaeda no longer has any training camps in Afghanistan; they no longer have a safe haven in Afghanistan; and they haven’t managed to launch a single major attack from Afghanistan since we’ve been there. This is a major blow to them. It’s a real success for us. And it’s a clear contribution to our national security at home, including here in Budapest.

I have absolutely no doubt, that if we were to walk away and turn our backs on Afghanistan, Al Qaeda would be right back. They would have a sanctuary from which to launch their strategy of global jihad – a strategy that is directed first and foremost against us. There is simply no reason to think otherwise, and anyone who does so is not being realistic.

And if we were to walk away, just imagine the pressure on nuclear-armed Pakistan, and the way instability would spread like wild-fire through Central Asia. So quite simply, if we were to walk away, we would feel the consequences here in no time – here in our own nations, here in our own capital cities, and here on our own streets.

That is why we all need to understand that although the costs of our opertation may appear to be high, the costs of walking away would be far, far higher. And that is why we have to stay the course and build on the considerable progress we have made so far.

Today, we have many reasons to be more optimistic about the future of our operation. We are seeing clear signs of new momentum.

And this new momentum will involve progressively handing over more and more lead responsibility to the Afghans themselves.

In the coming weeks, I expect NATO, with its ISAF partners, to decide on the approach, and troop levels needed, to take our mission forward.

I’m confident it will be a counter-insurgency approach, with substantially more troops, and it will place the Afghan population at the core of ISAF’s collective effort – by focusing on their safety, and by supporting reconstruction and development.

Crucially, it will involve us doing more to build the capacity of the Afghan National Security Forces. Because this is the way ahead – and the way to success: a transition to Afghan lead responsibility.

Now, don’t anyone get me wrong. This should not be interpreted as NATO planning a run for the exit – far from it. But equally, we are not planning to stay for ever. We will stay in Afghanistan only for as long as it takes to finish our mission. And our mission ends when the Afghans are capable of securing and running their country themselves.

That is why the way forward is to hand over responsibility for security to the Afghan security forces – district by district, province by province - as their own capacity develops. And that is why we must train and educate Afghan soldiers and Afghan police.

We have already established a NATO training mission in Afghanistan. And we are now in the process of resourcing it – with trainers, with equipment and with money. And I am confident that next year, we will be able to start handing over more lead responsibility for security to Afghan forces.

We will do this in a coordinated way, where conditions permit, and we will then be able, progressively, to move into a support role.

These are very concrete steps. They are both realistic and achievable. But they cannot be done on the cheap. If we want to do less in the future, we have to accept that we have to do more now.

But extra military resources from NATO and its partners in ISAF are not enough on their own. More also needs to be done on the civilian side to boost the Afghan government’s own capacity - through the United Nations Assistance Mission Afghanistan, through other International Organisations, and through bilateral and multilateral frameworks.

And of course, more needs to be done by Afghanistan itself – far more. Today, in Kabul, President Karzai is being inaugurated. And I have urged him, and his new Government, to use their new mandate to demonstrate a strong and clear commitment to reform – to redouble their efforts to fight corruption and the drug trade, to provide basic services to the people, to reform the judicial system, and to improve governance at all levels.

Early next year there will be an international conference, led by the United Nations. This will be the perfect opportunity to create a new compact between the Afghan Government and the international community, and to provide clear benchmarks for progress. It will also be the ideal occasion for the whole of the international community to demonstrate its long-term commitment. And NATO will play its full part.

The Alliance has a clear – and agreed - strategy for the way ahead. It is a strategy that will not only help in building a secure and stable Afghanistan. It is a strategy that will help enhance security for everyone – for Afghanistan, for the wider region, and for all Allied nations – including here in Hungary.

Ladies and gentlemen,

The second area where our sense of common purpose will be critical is the project of building an undivided and democratic Europe.

Twenty years ago, by cutting open the barbed wire fence at its borders, Hungary set in motion the events that ended the Cold War for good. Ever since, NATO has played a major role in making Europe “whole and free”. And the progress that we have made on this journey is truly amazing.

But the journey is not yet finished – as the countries that want to join our Alliance never tire of reminding us. Because they, too, want to be part of the Euro-Atlantic family.

And that is why we must leave NATO’s door open for those countries that fulfil our demanding criteria for membership.

At the same time, building an undivided Europe means more than keeping NATO’s door open. It means strengthening our ties with those Partner countries who do not wish to be members of NATO. And it also means building a new relationship with Russia.

Again, let me be very clear: We cannot talk seriously about an undivided Europe if we prove unable – or unwilling – to engage Russia. Among our 28 Allies, there are different views on Russia. That should not surprise anyone. History cannot be erased. But neither should we become prisoners of the past. We need a new, mature relationship with Russia - one that allows us to pursue common interests and air our differences. I firmly believe that such a relationship is within our reach, and I will do my utmost to help to realise it.

The third area where we need to demonstrate common purpose is in adapting NATO to deal with new risks and threats. We have seen how cyber attacks or energy cut-offs can seriously destabilise a country. We have seen piracy turn into a multi-million dollar business. And I predict that we will also very soon feel the effects of climate change on our security: through humanitarian disasters, conflicts over arable land, and mounting competition for natural resources.

All these risks can quickly turn into major security challenges. And we must examine how NATO can help to address them.

Whenever one talks about new threats, one encounters sceptics who believe that NATO is just looking for new excuses to justify its existence. I say to those sceptics that, as a security organisation, it is our obligation to lift our eyes from the present, and to scan the horizon for what might be looming.

Ten years ago, no one would have imagined NATO in an anti-piracy role. Today, we are involved – as are the United Nations, the EU and many nations from across the globe, including China and India. Why? Because times change. And because both nations and organisations need to adapt to changing times.

Ladies and gentlemen,

These are the three key areas where we must show that NATO can deliver. In acting far away from our homes to protect our security and our values.

In helping to build an undivided and democratic Europe. And in adapting the Alliance to deal with new risks and threats.

A new Strategic Concept will help us to get things right. To be sure, it won’t be a detailed manual for how to deal with the entire spectrum of today’s security challenges. But by bringing together the different strands of NATO’s adaptation into single, coherent framework, it will offer a focal point for a modernised Alliance.

To bring home that point, the process that is now underway to develop our new Strategic Concept is the most open and transparent in the history of NATO – or any other international organisation. I have asked a group of eminent experts to come up with recommendations. We are also reaching out to the wider strategic community as well as to the general public, both within and outside our Alliance. And all this should provide our 28 member nations with enough inspiration – perhaps even provocation – for a successful drafting process leading to an agreed strategy around this time next year.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

For NATO to be truly successful, we need not only the political elites, but also the general public in all our member nations to support what NATO represents, and what it does. This is why I appreciate the initiative of the Hungarian National Assembly in hosting today’s conference.

It will help to ensure that Hungary’s specific interests are duly reflected. It will help to connect NATO and the Hungarian public in new ways. And in so doing, it will help to ensure that our Alliance remains capable of protecting and promoting our values in an era of new risks and threats.

Thank you very much.