Speech

Excellencies,

Ladies and Gentlemen

This is my first visit to Japan as NATO’s Secretary General. And I amvery happy, and indeed proud, to have this opportunity to be here withyou today and to address such a distinguished audience.

These past few days I have visited New Zealand and Australia. And inthe past few months I have been to Algeria, Jordan, Israel and Morocco.These are countries that did not regularly feature in the officialtravel schedule of any of my predecessors. But I have gone to all thesecountries to discuss with their governments how we can work together topromote our security. And that is one clear indication of just how muchour strategic environment has changed in recent years. Today I wouldlike to set out NATO’s views of that changing security environment andthen consider how this environment encourages NATO and Japan to worktogether.

Geographically, NATO Allies and Japan may befar apart from one another. But in today’s world, geographic distancehas little meaning. Japan and the transatlantic community face verysimilar challenges. All of us need to come to grips with a securitylandscape that bears little resemblance to the past, and that requiresa radical rethinking of the way we do business.

When Iwas a student – and it seems ages ago -- the strategic environment wasmuch less complex, and much more predictable. With the world dividedessentially into two blocs, we faced one clear security threat. As aresult, all we needed was one single response – to deter and defendagainst that threat. And just as Japan relied upon its Alliance withthe US to defend itself against that threat, we did so through NATO.

This situation lasted for four decades. Forty years in which NATO andthe Warsaw Pact were locked in confrontation like two giant Sumowrestlers facing each other before their bout. And perhaps thisexplains why many people still think of NATO as a passive, staticorganisation.

But the reality is quite different. NATOhas long ceased to be a static, “Eurocentric” organisation, gearedexclusively towards deterrence and defence. It has proven to be muchmore than just a collective security agreement for defence of ourterritory. Since the end of the Cold War, the Alliance has become avery flexible – and very creative – instrument for shaping change. Aninstrument that North America and Europe can use whenever and wherevertheir security interests demand it in today’s changing securityenvironment.

What are the main characteristics of thisnew security environment? Globalisation is an obvious one. Let there beno mistake. Globalisation is, above all, an opportunity, and Japan is atextbook example of how to turn globalisation to one’s own advantage.

But globalisation also has a darker side. It makes our societies morevulnerable – for example, by giving more states, and unfortunately inthese times more non-state actors, the means to develop weapons of massdestruction.

Another major challenge is the phenomenonof “failed states” – states without governance that plunge intodisorder and violence.

Above all, however, terrorismhas emerged as a challenge of unprecedented magnitude. Many of today’sterrorists may reject modernity, but they have been quite astute inusing modern technology to inflict enormous damage on our societies –be it in the Tokyo subway or at the World Trade Center in New York. Andas we unfortunately all know, in many places in the world.

No one has explained these changes in our strategic environment moresuccinctly than Henry Kissinger, when he said that today, our mainconcern is no longer the threat of large-scale military invasion. Thisis true as much for North Korea’s nuclear programme as it would be ifAfghanistan would become a failed state again as it was under theTaliban regime.

So how can we cope with this securityenvironment? Certainly not by a wait-and-see approach. We cannot simplysit on the sidelines and wait for good tidings. This would amount to anabdication of our common responsibility to build a better world. Theonly realistic way forward is to engage – to tackle the problems wherethey emerge.

I very well realise this is an approachthat presents certain difficulties for the people of Japan andcertainly not one you could effortlessly replicate in all spheres, butit is the approach that NATO has chosen to take.

Ifthe Balkans are largely at peace today, and if countries in that regionare now firmly on their way into an integrated Europe, it is becauseNATO got engaged. NATO soldiers stopped the bloodshed in Bosnia. NATOstopped and then reversed the ethnic cleansing in Kosovo. And NATO’spresence created the safe environment for other institutions – from theUnited Nations to the European Union – to do their part in helpingreconstruction and reconciliation.

NATO also plays amajor role in bringing back security and stability to Afghanistan.Today, that country is no longer under the Taliban boot. Al Qaida haslost a safe haven from which to plan its attacks against liberaldemocratic trading nations such as our own. NATO is extending itspresence in the country, to help the Government of President Karzai toassert its authority, and to help nations like Japan assist thatGovernment at capacity building within the framework of the BonnProcess. We are determined to continue to help the Afghan people torealise their dream of a better future. And I know the ways in whichJapan is playing an important role as one of the major donors inAfghanistan and we have to greatly appreciate that role.

More recently, NATO started a mission to train Iraqi security forces.It will take time for the political process to take root in Iraq, tobuild strong and effective institutions, instill respect for the ruleof law, and encourage economic progress. Japan’s efforts to repairIraq’s infrastructure in Southern Iraq are immensely valuable in thisregard. But all these reconstruction efforts will depend critically onthe ability of the Iraqi authorities to provide basic security fortheir people. And NATO is determined to help them to meet thatchallenge.

What makes this NATO Alliance -- anorganisation that many people thought would vanish after the end of theCold War -- so strong, and so durable? I believe that the answer isquite simple. The transatlantic community that has emerged within NATOis not only a community of shared interests -- but also very much acommunity of shared values.

This is not to say thatall NATO nations share identical views on all aspects of politics andsociety. Each country has its distinct historical experience andcultural background. But on key issues -- such as the need to protectdemocracy, pluralism and fundamental freedoms -- all our 26 NATO membercountries agree. And in NATO, as in Japan, these values arenon-negotiable. And this shared conviction gives NATO its uniquestrength and cohesion.

As NATO Allies, we know that,if we want to uphold these values, values that we share with yournation, we must be prepared to protect them. We were prepared to dothat during the Cold War, when the stakes were so abundantly clear. Andwe defended our values once again when they were threatened in theBalkans, when deportation trains ran through Europe once more andraised ghosts from a Europe we thought had been buried half a centuryago.

We must also be prepared to protect our valuesnow , against a range of new threats -- a lethal, indiscriminate breedof terrorism; the risk of proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.We must be prepared to act; and we will be.

The NATOAllies need modern military capabilities to carry out those new typesof missions far away from Alliance territory. If you will forgive myanalogy, we need to transform from being a Sumo wrestler - large, andslow to react (although my colleague who has lived in Japan tells meSumo wrestlers can be surprisingly fleet of foot) - and into a Ninjawarrior – quick and agile. We need forces that can deploy with littlenotice and to faraway places. And we have to be able to support theseforces until they get their job done. We have already been quitesuccessful in acquiring those modern capabilities, but we realise thatthere is still a lot left to do.

We have to makeimprovements in areas that are critical to modern military operations,such as strategic lift and air-to-air refuelling. And we want to ensurethat a much larger proportion of our military forces are readilyavailable for operations far away from home.

We alsorealize full well that tackling today’s global threats requires thebroadest possible international cooperation and so we are enhancingrelations with our partner countries across Europe, the Caucasus, andCentral Asia, and in North Africa and the Middle East. We are helpingmany of our Partners with the reform of their security sectors, and thedevelopment of effective, democratically controlled defenceinstitutions. And we have made the new security challenges a majorfocus of cooperation with all our partners – including our specialpartners Russia and Ukraine.

And, in tackling newthreats, we are keen to work more closely together with countries thatare even further a field, including very much your country, Japan.

The evolution of post-war Japan is as impressive as that of thetransatlantic community. You have built a superb reputation as aneconomic powerhouse, and as a generous country that is fully preparedto share its wealth with less fortunate neighbours. And you underlinedthis generosity just recently with your response to the Tsunamidisaster.

In addition to this economic leadershiprole, you have also come to recognise the importance of making a moreconcrete contribution to international peace and security. Your newNational Defence Programme Outline makes clear that improving theinternational security environment is now a major pillar of Japan’ssecurity policy, and that is a major breakthrough.

This evolution in Japan’s security policy has already manifested itselfin Iraq and Afghanistan, where Japan has taken on majorresponsibilities in addition to lending financial assistance. Yourleading role in disarmament efforts in Afghanistan is highlyappreciated. With 800 members of the Japanese Self Defence Force inIraq, you have taken on considerable military responsibilities in thatcountry as well. And like many NATO Allies, you are also an activeparticipant in the Proliferation Security Initiative that seeks toprevent the flow of weapons of mass destruction.

Forall these reasons, the NATO-Japan relationship is destined to becomemore intense, and more effective. Increasingly, our military forces maybe called upon to work together to defend our common interests. NATOhas an enormous track record in crisis management and peacekeeping, andJapan will benefit from the considerable expertise that we have toshare. Japan has already participated in several NATO-led disasterresponse exercises, and that is another promising area for fruitfulcooperation. The fight against terrorism and WMD proliferation are alsoimportant areas in which I believe we should work more closelytogether. Indeed, from NATO’s point of view, there really are no limitson how far we can take our cooperation.

For a numberof years now, NATO and Japan have maintained a security dialogue – tostay abreast of each other’s views on the security challenges in ourrespective regions. Since our security concerns and interests have nowbecome much more similar, the importance of our relationship has onlygrown. I was pleased to learn from your Prime Minister today that thatis also his assessment. And so I am confident that we can deepen ourcooperation, and make it more effective.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The Japanese constitution calls for Japan to be a force for peace. Inthe past, this obligation was widely interpreted as an obligation tolimit one’s global engagement to economic assistance. Today, however,this interpretation no longer corresponds to reality. Today, thegreatest service that we – Japan and the NATO Allies – can render topeace and stability is active engagement. To help out where help isneeded – through political encouragement, financial or technicalassistance, or indeed the deployment of our military forces.

Geography may once have separated us, but common values and interestsnow unite us more strongly than ever before. The fact that we are bothprepared to protect and promote those values and interests makes usnatural partners in upholding international stability. And that is whyI see a great future for the NATO-Japan relationship.

Thank you.