Speech

Ladies and gentlemen,

Dear friends,

LastDecember, Ukraine captured the world’s imagination. Braving sub-zerotemperatures and the very real threat of a violent response, the peopleof Ukraine launched a non-violent “revolution” – a revolution thatsought not to overthrow a constitutional order, but to enforce one. Theso called “radical” demand of the demonstrators who filled IndependenceSquare was simply that the actual winner of a democratic electionshould be permitted to take office and govern.

NATOfollowed this process closely. At every stage, we did what we could tohelp ensure a non-violent outcome to the crisis – an outcome that wouldbe consistent with the democratically expressed will of the Ukrainianpeople.

As a community of shared values, we made clearto the previous Ukrainian government that the conduct of free and fairPresidential elections would be an important benchmark of how farUkraine had come in her democratic transition. We stressed that this,in turn, would determine how far Ukraine could expect to come inrealising her stated ambitions to integrate more fully into theEuro-Atlantic community.

We made clear during thecrisis our firm opposition to the use of force against peacefuldemonstrators, and our equally firm support for Ukraine’s sovereigntyand territorial integrity. We also made the crisis an important focusof our dialogue with Russia, ultimately agreeing on a joint appeal fora peaceful, democratic re-run of the flawed election.

Buthowever positive the international expressions of support may havebeen, whether from the European Union, Poland, Lithuania, or NATO, itwas ultimately the Ukrainian people themselves who resolved the crisis,by refusing to compromise on their values, or on their expectations forthe future.

Through their courage, the people ofUkraine reminded us that genuine democracy is not about words, butabout actions. It is not simply about governmental institutions andconstitutional structures, but also about a vibrant civil society, avigilant media, and other constituencies that will hold their politicalleaders to account.

I was pleased to be able to attendPresident Yushchenko’s inauguration earlier this year. My impression onthat occasion, confirmed today, was that just being here in Kyiv onefeels that this is in many ways a very different country than it wasjust a short time ago. However, to make certain that democracy is fullyconsolidated and firmly rooted, it will be necessary to press aheadwith crucial, often difficult reforms. The “Orange Revolution” must notbecome a treasured memory of a few courageous weeks. It must remain aliving project on which all of you, both inside and outside ofgovernment, continue to work hard each day.

To keepUkraine on the course charted by its people in December, PresidentYushchenko has set out a broad and ambitious reform agenda. At theNATO-Ukraine Summit meeting in February he outlined for us his strategyof pursuing full integration into the Alliance. This strategy is a boldone, but its pursuit offers significant promise to improve the lives ofthe Ukrainian people. In the short term, this will involve significantchanges in Ukrainian domestic and foreign policy, many of which arealready visible.

NATO cannot drive this process. Theresponsibility – and the substantial burdens involved – rest squarelyon the shoulders of the Ukrainian leadership. But we can help – and weare helping.

In response to President Yushchenko’sappeal, we have agreed to launch an Intensified Dialogue on Ukraine’smembership aspirations and the reforms necessary to achieve them. ThisDialogue will provide an opportunity for the Ukrainian government andpeople to learn more about NATO’s goals, principles and missions. Itwill also allow us in NATO to learn more about Ukraine’s goals ofreform and integration, and how we can further enhance our assistancein support of these objectives.

The IntensifiedDialogue is therefore a major step forward in our relationship. But just as important is the decision we have also taken to intensifyour practical cooperation in five key areas:

• First, we will work together to help strengthen Ukraine’s democraticinstitutions, in particular to help ensure democratic control of armedforces – not only within the Ministry of Defence, but throughoutUkraine’s security sector.
• Second, we willintensify our work on overall defence and security sector reform – forexample to modernise the budget of the armed forces, and the commandstructure -- in order to help Ukraine develop a modern, capable andaccountable security establishment.
• Third, we willenhance our political dialogue, in order to cooperate more effectivelyon security issues of common interest, such as efforts to pursue apolitical settlement in Moldova, or steps to improve export controlregimes and to combat terrorism.
• Fourth, we willintensify our work on managing the social and economic consequences ofreform. This includes NATO support for the destruction of dangerousstockpiles of Soviet-era munitions and small arms, the largestprogramme of its kind anywhere in the world. It also includes NATOsupport for the re-training of military personnel to be released duringthe anticipated downsizing of the Ukrainian Armed Forces.
• Finally, we will enhance our cooperation in the area of publicinformation, in order to ensure that the Ukrainian people have accessto complete, accurate information about NATO and the NATO-Ukrainerelationship.

All of these are priorityreform areas for the new Ukrainian administration. They are, of course,vital to the success of Ukraine’s aspirations. But more importantly,they are vital to the consolidation of democratic change, and would benecessary with or without external support. They are also areas whereNATO and its member states have substantial expertise and, in somecases, material assistance to offer. And we already have very effectivemechanisms in the framework of the NATO-Ukraine Commission that cancarry forward our joint work in these areas, now that we have the firmpolitical will on all sides to do so.

The final area –public information – is one in which I would like to ask for your help.For several years, we found ourselves in the unusual situation ofdealing with a Ukrainian leadership that sent very mixed messages withregard to NATO.

The Alliance is not in the propagandabusiness. Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic choice is a sovereign decision forthe Ukrainian people and their elected leaders to make – and not foranybody else. But we do have a common interest in ensuring thatinformation about what NATO does and what it stands for, and about thevery real progress we have achieved within the NATO-Ukraine DistinctivePartnership, is available to Ukraine’s citizens, so that they can makean informed judgement about their government’s policy of integration.

Iknow that many people here in Ukraine still think of the Cold War whenthey think of NATO. I spend a lot of time, wherever I go, asking peopleto take a fresh look at the Alliance. Because it is a very differentorganisation.

Today’s NATO is designed to help providesecurity in a new world. We know that we do not have to defend againstany particular state any more. Today, we are defending against threatswe all face: terrorism, the proliferation of weapons of massdestruction and the unpredictable consequences of “failed states” andregional conflicts. We are projecting stability in places it is neededand where the Allies’ interests are at stake: the Balkans, Afghanistan,training the Security Forces of Iraq, and now supporting the AfricanUnion in Darfur. And we are doing it with partners, because that theonly way to succeed is together.

Our strategicpartnership with Ukraine has been an essential part of thistransformation. And it shows how much our partnership has rewarded bothNATO and Ukraine. Thousands of Ukrainian servicemen have acquired theexperience of serving side-by-side with Allied soldiers in the Balkans.This shared experience has permitted Ukraine to make substantialcontributions to peace support efforts throughout the world, includingthose outside the NATO framework, for example in Africa and in Iraq.Ukraine has recently agreed to provide support to NATO’s anti-terroristnaval patrols in the Mediterranean Sea, and to consider a possiblecontribution to NATO’s training mission in Iraq and its support to theAfrican Union in Darfur. We have worked together to reform theUkrainian military as well, making it more interoperable with NATOforces and better able to respond to Ukraine’s actual national securityneeds.

And finally, anyone who still believes thatthere is still any truth to the old Cold War stereotypes about theAlliance should look at the extensive partnership we have built overthe past years with Russia. In the NATO-Russia Councilframework, we have launched concrete joint initiatives on terrorism,military-to-military cooperation, theatre missile defence, and manyother areas. Like President Yuschchenko, we also see Russia as animportant part of the security architecture of the Euro-Atlantic area.Ukraine’s membership aspirations and Ukraine’s and NATO’s partnershipswith Russia are not mutually exclusive policies.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Dear friends,

Thereis a new spirit of hope in the air, in Ukraine and in Ukraine’srelationships with NATO and other Euro-Atlantic and Europeaninstitutions. The courage and maturity the Ukrainian peopledemonstrated during the “Orange Revolution” not only ushered in aperiod of profound democratic change here in Ukraine. They also“revolutionised” the way your country is viewed in Europe and in NorthAmerica. The future of a peaceful, prosperous, democratic Ukraine isnow in your hands. But know that as you travel the difficult roadahead, you will not be alone.  NATO will be lending a helpinghand, for it is our common interest to see Ukraine succeed.