'NATO, the Mediterranean and the Middle East: The successor generation'

Ladies and Gentlemen,

[Thank you for those kind words of introduction.] It is always a pleasure for me to return to London, and particularly when I am invited to join such distinguished company as is gathered here this morning. What is more, I have been asked to address you on a subject that is not only of great professional interest, but also of personal interest. As an Italian, a deep interest in the Mediterranean is ingrained from birth. For many people, the Mediterranean conjures up visions of blue seas, blue skies and wonderful food. However, beyond this vision of a holiday idyll, lie some pressing security concerns. And in the current climate, today's conference could not be more timely.

However, before addressing the specific issue that I have been requested to discuss, I would like to make a couple of introductory comments. Although they may not appear to be immediately relevant to the theme of today's conference, I can assure you their relevance will become clear later on.

First of all, we need to acknowledge that people do not always understand the challenges of today's security environment. As security experts, I would like to think that we are all fully cognisant of the fundamental changes that have taken place in the security environment over the past 15 years. We understand that the nature of the risks and threats are now different - terrorism, failed states and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. And we also understand that NATO is undergoing a transformation process to ensure that it is be better equipped to deal with these risks and threats.

However, our wider public does not have this clear understanding. They know that the Cold War is over, and that the number of troops stationed in Germany can no longer be used as a measure of NATO's relevance, but they fail to see how NATO contributes to security in today's environment. As security experts, we have a responsibility to get over the message that NATO's relevance comes not only from deterrence. It comes also from the stability and security that it is able to actively project - both through its political engagement, as well as through its military operations.

Another popular misconception is that NATO equals the United States. While the United States is indeed a major NATO ally, it is only one of 26. The majority of the other allies are European. So, it is important to remind people that NATO is a unique organisation that brings Europe and North America together. NATO equals North America and Europe.

Together, North America and Europe continue to provide NATO with immense military capability. But our general public also doesn't realise that NATO now offers so much more as well. In its 55 years of existence, NATO has acquired considerable experience and expertise in broader political and security fields. And this experience and expertise is available in the form of advice and guidance to those countries who want it. This should be seen as "added value", over and above NATO's pure military hardware.

I feel very strongly that we must do better at addressing these misconceptions. And we must do better at describing the new security environment. Because unless we are able to do so, we will be unable to explain NATO's continued relevance.

I mentioned earlier that we now face new risks and threats - terrorism, failed states and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. These require us to take a new approach to security - an approach based on three pillars. Firstly, operations to deal with these risks at their source, before they emerge on our own doorstep. Secondly, the need for new capabilities. And thirdly, the need for strong cooperation among nations, as well as between international institutions. And it is on this issue of cooperation that I should now like to focus.

Global challenges demand a global response. NATO is therefore intensifying its relations with its various partners. Through our commitment to partnership, we strive to bring stability and security to our partner countries. We offer the experience and expertise I mentioned earlier. We bring transparency, which leads to confidence and trust. And confidence and trust in turn bring greater stability and security for everyone in the region. Our partnerships also lead to a better understanding of, and interoperability with, NATO. This leads to opportunities for partners' participation in NATO-led operations, as well as their involvement in the decision making process relating to those operations.

As a result of decisions taken in Istanbul, NATO is deepening its ties with all its Partners, especially those in the Caucasus and Central Asia. We are determined, also, to enhance our special partnerships with Russia and with Ukraine. And we are strengthening our dialogue with countries as far away as China, Japan and Australia. But two decisions that have attracted greatest interest, and are the subject of this conference, were our decisions to enhance relations with our Mediterranean Dialogue partners and to launch the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative.

Those decisions represent the "Next Step" in NATO's relations with the states of North Africa, the Middle East, and the Gulf Region. Bearing in mind what I said earlier about misunderstandings about NATO's relevance, many people ask why NATO should wish to engage in a relationship with these states. It would be easy to cite the factor of energy. A large proportion of the crude oil, which is vital to the Western industrial states, comes from the Middle East and Gulf States and is transported across the Mediterranean. Approximately 3000 ships cross the Mediterranean each day. And major pipelines link North Africa with Southern Europe.

But the answer is much wider than just energy matters. More than any other area of the world, this vast region is likely to have a major influence on Allies' security in the years to come. Despite differences between the various sub-regions of the wider Mediterranean area, there are some common and worrying factors in security terms. A very high proportion of the population is young, and these people are moving to the cities in search of work. But their economic and social demands are difficult to satisfy and there is high unemployment. It is this younger generation that is most likely to express its frustration with the current situation through migration or extremism, or both.

This is a challenge with complex political, economic and other implications. There is therefore no doubt in my mind that a coherent, multi-institutional approach is required. And while I am certainly not suggesting that NATO involvement can address all these problems, I am convinced that NATO does have a lot to offer that could be beneficial in the security domain. So NATO must be involved. And the states of the region must be involved. And NATO and the states of the region must work together.

Well, we are already doing exactly that. And the Istanbul decisions laid out the next steps. The Mediterranean Dialogue celebrates its 10th anniversary this year and we will be marking the occasion with a special meeting of Foreign Ministers in Brussels on 8th December. Over the period of our relationship we have held regular political consultations with these countries, and our cooperative work programme has grown to include subjects as diverse as airspace management; border security; counter-terrorism; defence reform; civil emergency planning; military exercises, and training and education.

But as part of our efforts to move the relationship further forward, we are now looking to prepare our annual programme of work by enriching the Mediterranean Dialogue with elements from the Partnership for Peace. And we are also seeking to expand our cooperation on operations, including on combating terrorism within the framework of our major maritime operation, Active Endeavour. That is why I was encouraged by the participation by the seven Mediterranean Dialogue Chiefs of Defence in a meeting with NATO Chiefs of Defence two weeks ago. This was a significant event and was clear evidence of the commitment from all involved to deepen the relationship.

Another key decision at Istanbul was the launch of the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative. Earlier this year, I visited the Gulf region and had consultations with a number of Arab countries. The Istanbul Cooperation Initiative is a direct response to the interest they expressed in closer contacts with the Alliance. What the new initiative offers these countries is practical cooperation in fields where NATO can make a real difference, including defence reform, interoperability and the fight against terrorism. We are determined not to impose our own views, and there is certainly no obligation on any of these countries interested in working with NATO. Our aim is to focus on practical cooperation, to encourage "joint ownership", to complement efforts by other international organisations, and to avoid duplication.

And we are off to a good start. Last month, I visited Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain to describe what NATO could offer and hear their views. The reactions from these countries were all very positive. They expressed a genuine interest in cooperating with NATO and will send delegations to NATO for further consultations. Next month I shall visit Qatar, Oman and Saudi Arabia, where I anticipate similarly welcoming reactions for what NATO has to offer.

Ladies and gentlemen,

NATO's adaptation to the new security environment has been swift, comprehensive, and remarkably successful. But our transformation is far from finished. It is work in progress. And enhanced relationships with the states of North Africa, the Middle East and the Gulf region are very much part of that transformation. I have explained why the region is so important to NATO. And I have outlined for you the framework in which the work will be conducted. Over the course of this conference, other speakers from NATO will flesh out for you the details of this work.

But I should like to conclude with a health warning. I have to be honest and admit that I remain concerned that we still know too little about each other. That is why I am keen to see all our work being accompanied by a greater public diplomacy campaign in order to reach a wider audience. Whatever we do must be accompanied by public and governmental support - both at home in our members' countries, as well as in the states of North Africa and the broader Middle East. We must explain what we are doing, and why we are doing it. And as security experts, we have a key role in getting over that message. Thank you.