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Генерального секретаря НАТО Йенса Столтенберга после заседания Североатлантического совета на уровне министров иностранных дел

  • 04 Dec. 2018 -
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  • Last updated 05-Dec-2018 09:57

(Текст выступления)

 

Добрый вечер.

Министры иностранных дел стран НАТО только что провели встречу и обсудили трансатлантическую безопасность, европейские усилия в области обороны, распределение бремени, а также Договор о ракетах средней и меньшей дальности. И я сосредоточу внимание на ДРСМД.

Все страны НАТО пришли к выводу, что Россия разработала и ввела в действие новую крылатую ракету наземного базирования SSC-8, также известную как 9M729. Страны НАТО пришли к единому мнению, что эта ракетная система нарушает ДРСМД и представляет собой существенный риск для евроатлантической безопасности. И они пришли к единому мнению, что поэтому Россия существенным образом нарушает свои обязательства по ДРСМД. 

ДРСМД является столпом евроатлантической безопасности в течение более 30 лет. Договор позволил уничтожить целую категорию вооружений и повысил безопасность для всех нас.

В течение более пяти лет США прилагали все усилия, чтобы наладить взаимодействие с Россией и получить ответы о новой ракете.

США официально ставили этот вопрос перед Россией на высоком уровне более 30 раз. Другие страны НАТО также ставили этот вопрос перед Россией. Мы сделали это несколько недель назад на Совете Россия–НАТО здесь, в Брюсселе. Но Россия продолжала производить и развертывать эти ракеты. Нарушение Россией ДРСМД подрывает основы эффективного контроля над вооружениями и подрывает безопасность Североатлантического союза.

Это является частью более широкой модели поведения, имеющей целью ослабить общую архитектуру евроатлантической безопасности.

Нет никакого сомнения, что США соблюдают требования Договора. В Европе нет новых американских ракет. Но в Европе есть новые российские ракеты.

Соглашения по контролю над вооружениями могут быть эффективными, только если их соблюдают все стороны. Ситуация, при которой США и другие стороны полностью соблюдают положения Договора, а Россия нет, является просто неприемлемой. 

Мы призываем Россию незамедлительно вернуться к полному и поддающемуся проверке соблюдению. Теперь сохранение ДРСМД зависит от России.

Страны НАТО твердо привержены сохранению стратегической стабильности и евроатлантического единства. НАТО продолжит обеспечивать убедительность и эффективность общего построения сдерживания и обороны Североатлантического союза. Мы продолжим регулярно консультироваться, и мы продолжим пристально следить за военным построением и развертываниями России.

В то же время все страны НАТО твердо привержены оказанию поддержки и укреплению реального и поддающегося проверке контроля над вооружениями.

НАТО существует, чтобы предотвращать конфликты и сохранять мир. И мы стремимся к диалогу, а не к конфронтации с Россией. Мы не хотим новой гонки вооружений. Мы не хотим новой «холодной войны». Страны НАТО продолжат работать над улучшением отношений с Россией. Мы продолжим взаимодействие, в том числе в рамках заседаний Совета Россия–НАТО. У России есть последний шанс вернуться к соблюдению ДРСМД, но мы также должны начать готовиться к миру без этого Договора.

А теперь я готов ответить на ваши вопросы.

Вопросы и ответы на английском языке.

Oana Lungescu [NATO Spokesperson]: Washington Post. Up there.

Question [Washington Post]: Thank you. Michael Birnbaum from the Washington Post. Mr Secretary General, you’ve spoken repeatedly over the years about how the missile deployments of the 1970s and 1980s shaped your perspective as a person and as a politician. I wanted to ask what you feel it means for your legacy, as a NATO Secretary General, to preside over an era that likely does see the end of the INF Treaty? Thank you.

Jens Stoltenberg [NATO Secretary General]: I regret that we now most likely will see the end of the INF Treaty. But at the same time, we don’t have any other alternative than to react in the way we do. Because we have to remember that the… no arms control agreement will work if it's only respected by one part. One party. And the problem with the INF Treaty is that the United States is in compliance, while Russia is violating the Treaty. And that’s not only a problem for the INF Treaty, but that’s a problem for all other arms control treaties, because if we accept violation of one treaty then we also undermine the credibility of all the other arms control treaties.

So, this is part about trying to defend the INF Treaty, but also about trying to defend the whole idea of verifiable arms control. You are right; for me, the issue of intermediate-range nuclear weapons shaped my understanding, back in the 70s and the 80s, about security and defence issues. And I think it shaped a whole generation of young politicians, especially in Europe. We were very concerned about the deployment of SS20s, intermediate-range Soviet Union missiles, but also were concerned about the NATO response, the Pershing and Cruise missiles. Therefore, we all really welcomed and we really felt that the world was moving forward when the Soviet Union and the United States, in 1987, agreed on the INF Treaty.

And this was the first treaty that didn’t only put a ceiling on the number of weapons, or reduce the number of weapons, but actually banned all weapons, abolished a whole category of weapons. So therefore, this was really arms control at its best. And, therefore, it is a really a big setback if this Treaty now breaks totally down. And, therefore, we call on Russia to use this last chance to come into compliance, but again we have done that for some time, so we need also to recognise that we have to be prepared for a world without the Treaty, and that’s something which we all regret very much.

Oana Lungescu [NATO Spokesperson]: Reuters, first row.

Question [Reuters]: Thank you, Oana. Robin Emmott from Reuters. Secretary General, do you have any idea what the diplomacy during the next 60 days could entail for you? Do you imagine approaching Russia through the NATO-Russia Council? Can you imagine some kind of agreement where, obviously in 60 days, Russia isn’t going to destroy these missiles, but it could come forwards with some kind of diplomatic message? Thank you.

Jens Stoltenberg [NATO Secretary General]: We will reach out to Russia in many different ways. Just the fact that we now have this united NATO position sends a clear message to Russia. Second, NATO Allies meet with Russia bilaterally, in different formats, with the Heads of State, Government, Foreign Ministers, and so on, and they raise this issue with their Russian counterparts. And they will also do so in the following days and weeks. And we are also ready to raise this issue again in the NATO-Russia Council; we did so just a few weeks ago.

So, Russia knows our position, they know our concern, and in the beginning they denied the existence of this system. Then actually they were not able to deny the existence of the system, but then suddenly they changed explanation and said, "Yes, the system exists, but it doesn’t violate the INF Treaty". But we are ready of course to talk to Russia; we did that in the NATO-Russia Council, we are ready to do it again. But I think this is actually not so much a question of how many meetings we will have with Russia, because they very well know our position; this is about whether Russia wants to preserve the INF Treaty. If they so want, they can comply with the Treaty; if not, then this Treaty will not survive.

Oana Lungescu [NATO Spokesperson]: OK, we'll go to the last row.

Question [Macedonian Press Agency]: Tanja Milevska, Macedonian Press Agency. Secretary General, the Greek Alternative Minister for Foreign Affairs said that he raised the issue of the Macedonian Prime Minister's statement, saying that it's not in the spirit of the Prespa Agreement. Can you confirm that Mr Katrougalos raised this issue with you? And if yes, is this a problem for Macedonia's prospects and membership in NATO? Thank you.

Jens Stoltenberg [NATO Secretary General]: I had a very good discussion and meeting with the Greek Alternate Foreign Minister, and tomorrow we will also have a meeting where we will address the Western Balkans, including the name agreement between Athens and Skopje. We strongly welcome the progress we have seen, we welcome the name agreement and we really hope that the name agreement will be fully implemented. And, therefore, as soon as that happens, we are also then ready to sign the accession protocol and welcome the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia¹ as our 30th member. I think I will refrain from going into the details, but the main message is that all NATO Allies agree that we are ready to welcome FYROM, former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia¹, as our new member, under its new name, the Republic of Northern Macedonia, as soon as the name agreement is implemented. And I really hope that will happen soon.

Oana Lungescu [NATO Spokesperson]: OK, we have time for one last question. VG.

Question [VG]: Hi, Alf Johnsen, VG Norwegian newspaper. If so that the INF Treaty is gone in like eight months from now, what kind of countermeasures will NATO Allies take then? Will there be a possible development of a similar kind of weapons from the NATO side to kind of countermeasure the Russian missiles? Thank you.

Jens Stoltenberg [NATO Secretary General]: I think it will be wrong if I started to speculate about all the different potential ways NATO could respond. What is important today is two things: first, that we will make our decisions in a considered and measured way, and we will do it collectively as an alliance; second, is that we will take the necessary decisions to maintain credible deterrence and defence. Because there can be no doubt that NATO has to be able, also in the future, to defend and protect all Allies, and provide credible deterrence. That’s the best way to preserve the peace. As long as our deterrence is credible and as long as we make the necessary decisions to ensure that, then we prevent conflict. And NATO exists to preserve the peace and to prevent conflict, and therefore we take the necessary decisions to make sure that’s also the case in the future. But this is so serious that I think if I started to, you know, list potential options, it will only add to uncertainty and increase tensions, so we will do this in a measured and responsible way.

Oana Lungescu [NATO Spokesperson]: Thank you very much, this concludes this press point. We'll see you tomorrow. Thank you.

Jens Stoltenberg [NATO Secretary General]: Thank you.

1. Turkey recognises the Republic of Macedonia with its constitutional name.