Updated: 22 May 1999 Press Conferences


22 May 1999

Press Conference

given by NATO Spokesman, Jamie Shea and
SHAPE Spokesman, Colonel Konrad Freytag

(Presentation Photo)

Jamie Shea : Good Afternoon Ladies and Gentlemen. I am joined at the podium today by Colonel Konrad Freytag of SHAPE. General Jertz is having a well deserved day off. Thanks very much indeed Colonel for coming back and joining me up here.

I would like to say a couple of things before we go to the usual military up-date. First of all to inform you that the Secretary General, Dr Javier Solana, had a long conversation a few moments ago with the Secretary General of the United Nations, Kofi Annan. As you know, the UN Secretary General is in Sweden today where he has had a long consultation with President Ahtisaari of Finland on the latest diplomatic initiatives.

On the humanitarian front, we saw yesterday once again a large inflow of refugees into Albania, a total of 3,650 crossed into Albania from Kosovo and this was the biggest one day inflow into Albania since 12 May, and following 8 very calm days in which virtually no refugees had crossed. The majority of the refugees that arrived in Albania yesterday crossed the border at Morini and come from the Suva Reka region. Suva Reka is, or rather used to be, a town of about 18,000 north-east of Prizren. The refugees told the relief workers that in the morning they had been driven from their homes at gunpoint with half an hour to pack, gathered in the city centre and loaded on to busses to Zure, the village of Zure, after which the refugees reported that they of course had been obliged to walk the rest of the way to the border.

According to the refugee reports, more than half of the houses of Suva Reka have either been burnt or damaged, but I am pleased to say that most of the refugees, having crossed, were able to spend the night in transit tents in Kukes.

Other refugees who arrived, by the way, yesterday in Albania reported to the relief organisations that they had been in the hills for two months before being captured by Serb forces and pushed towards the border. However, I always emphasise here that refugees in the Kukes area, because of the possibility of refugee camps being shelled or cross-border incidents, and there are 32,000 refugees that need to be moved on an urgent basis. Therefore the UNHCR and the NATO forces, AFOR, have elaborated a plan aimed at transferring these refugees to other locations in Albania and the implementation of this plan is to start early next week, and again another reason for leaving is also the dwindling water supplies in Kukes given the consumption going up with the summer coming and the additional burden of the refugees.

In the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, yesterday 1,520 refugees arrived. Today I understand that already this morning alone a further 700 have come in, mainly from the Pristina and Orasevac area. Yesterday 2740 refugees were flown out of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia to host countries that are receiving them on a temporary basis. Also the government in Skopje has said that it is prepared to contemplate the construction of two new refugee camps if necessary, one close to Segrane of about 8,000 refugees and the other east of Tatebo.

The United Nations High Commission for Refugees has prepared a concept paper on the anticipated return to their homes in Kosovo of 1.5 million refugees and internally displaced persons. According to the UNHCR, the success of this repatriation effort is going to hinge on three essential conditions: effective security guarantees by the government in Belgrade; the withdrawal of the military and paramilitary units; and the deployment of an international military force to secure the civilian population, and the humanitarian operation. So once again the UNHCR agrees that the five conditions of the intentional community are necessary if the refugees are going to be able to return home.

As you know, at the moment there is a high level inter-agency UN mission touring Kosovo under the direction of the Under Secretary General for Humanitarian Affairs, Sergio Viera de Melo, which has been yesterday and today in Kosovo. This morning they have split up into two teams to carry out their investigation into the current humanitarian situation on the ground in Kosovo. Yesterday, as you know, the team was denied access to a number of villages off the main road by Serb officials who have been accompanying them on the trip. According to a report they managed to visit one village off the road at the insistence of the Under Secretary General, a village called Mosarda Balbuc, and that village was found to be completely deserted. Inside the houses the bedding, the household materials were strewn all of the floors, there were signs of lootings and hasty departures. Mr Viera de Melo tried to find somebody to speak to in that village but it was completely deserted, and according to the report he said silent confirmation. So that is a sign as I say, if that is typical of the situation throughout Kosovo, that a number of areas are deserted and people obviously have been forced to leave in rather chaotic and dramatic circumstances.

In Orasevac the UN mission has spoken to a number of people who seem scared, according to reports, that say that they have been prevented from leaving Kosovo by the police. And at the border town of General Jankovic, which is on the border with the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, several hundred tractors and trailers have been found which are full of mattresses, carpets, household goods, again abandoned. So clearly the situation, at least from the initial reports of that team, seem to be disturbing.

At the same time the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe has sent 75 investigators into both Albania and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia to collect evidence of human rights abuses in Kosovo from refugees. They are currently being able to compile about 50 detailed refugee accounts each day and so far they have collected 1,400 testimonies from the Kosovar refugees. The abuses that are reported by the refugees are of two kinds: first sexual abuse and rapes; and secondly, theft, looting and extortion committed by the Yugoslav forces. The OSCE is collecting the evidence, to the extent it can, for these crimes, but there are reports that traces have also been destroyed by the Serb forces.

I would like to give you a figure which came to me this morning which moved me very profoundly and I think is indicative of the humanitarian tragedy that we are facing. In the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia alone there are 741 children looking for their parents, and 1,382 parents looking still for their children.

Finally, we have received a report this morning from the Montenegrin press that there was again yesterday an anti-war demonstration by reservists of the Yugoslav Army in Krusevac. This is reported in the Montenegrin Daily Pujeste today. We have some confusion as to how many people were involved in that protest, some reports put the figure higher, others put it lower, but there do seem some indications that the unrest in Krusevac continues, even if I note that the town is quiet today.

At the same time the same report in Pujeste talks about protests in the town of Raska, and also in Baljevac, where the locals have apparently, reportedly, signed a petition calling for all troops to be pulled out of Kosovo in the next 48 hours. Of course if these reports are substantiated, this would again suggest that the rumblings of discontent inside Serbia continue and that the incident at Krusevac this week, although receiving the most publicity, was not an isolated incident but perhaps the tip of an iceberg of opposition to the war in Kosovo. Of course we will have to continue to monitor that closely to be more certain, but I wanted to publicise those reports for you today.

Now over to Colonel Freytag.

Colonel Freytag: Good Afternoon, Ladies and Gentlemen. Another bridging service, as I do here, and I do it with pleasure.

Yesterday saw a marked weather improvement in our area of operation. NATO aircraft engaged Serbian ground forces in Kosovo and struck strategic targets throughout Yugoslavia, including Belgrade. 245 strike sorties plus 9 sorties to suppress Serb air defences were flown. All our manned aircraft returned safely.

As we have done consistently, we pressed every opportunity to bring NATO air power to bear against Serb forces on the ground. In Kosovo we struck a wide range of military vehicles, including at least 12 tanks, 11 armoured vehicles and 7 other vehicles, 9 artillery positions were also attacked and together with mortar pits. This photograph shows you some of the tanks previously destroyed.

Successful attacks were also carried out against surface to air missile sites destroying radar and missile launches. Elsewhere an early warning radar was struck. In Estok NATO forces attacked a barracks and assembly area that has long been in use by both Yugoslav Army and special police forces in Kosovo as a part of their operations against the UCK and Kosovar civilians.

A number of other mixed military targets in the province were also hit and the following video shows an attack against an armoured vehicle in this Kosovo region.

In the remainder of Yugoslavia we engaged over 40 strategic targets, these included the command facility at the Presidential retreat at Dubanoci for direct control of the Serb forces in Kosovo. Electrical power transformers, providing power to essential command and control air defence facilities, were taken out, including installations at Belgrade, Nis, Banina Basta and Vilike Klerjini. Road bridges at Valiko Orasta and Banaskidwor were struck, together with petroleum facilities at Drahovo and Smederevo, further reducing the Serb ability to resupply forces in Kosovo. Army barracks and special police facilities were also struck.

Serb ground activity against the UCK continues in the central and western areas of Kosovo. There is also evidence that the Serb forces have extended their minefields approximately 5 km deep along the border region with Albania. We assess that these have been laid to limit the movement of UCK resupply efforts into Kosovo. So once again we see Serb forces laying large minefields, as they did in Bosnia, with little regard for the safety of civilians in the area and those who have to clear the area once the Serb forces leave Kosovo.

There was no evidence of Yugoslav Air Force activity yesterday. At least 5 surface to air missiles were fired unsuccessfully against NATO aircraft.

Humanitarian flights continued with 14 into the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, and 9 into Albania, delivering essential supplies to the refugees in those countries. We were also notified of 8 convoys moving into and within Yugoslavia. It is imperative that these convoys stick to the routes and itineraries that they co-ordinate with NATO.

This ends my portion of the briefing.

Michael Gordon: Colonel Freytag, can you give us as much detail as you have about the bombing of this Estok facility, how many planes were involved, how many bombs were dropped, what specifically did they hit, how far was that from the prison, was the prison struck either directly or by collateral effects of the bombs? What happened there?

Colonel Freytag: I have a photograph for you if you want to see that. This photograph I brought just to show you the magnitude of that compound. It came on the target list as an unused prison with an airfield with a large military facility used by the military forces, Serbian ground forces and special police. We have targeted and engaged it twice and we have caused a lot of damage but details have to follow, we have only reviewed few of the gun films so far and I have to ask you to wait for more information.

Michael Gordon: Are you saying you hit the prison or you didn't hit the prison, or are you saying you don't know whether you hit the prison?

Colonel Freytag: We engaged a military target which is in this area. We saw the Serb video and we tried to match that with what we know so far and the two bodies we saw on the Serb video must have laid here and we don't know why, and that is all I have.

Michael Gordon: You are saying it is possible but you don't know at this point whether one of the bombs may have caused some of those other casualties, you are still looking into it? That is what I take you to be saying.

Colonel Freytag: I said that we have twice engaged this complex, and as you see it is a very large complex and we are still reviewing our incoming reports and we have not finished that battle damage assessment.

Michael Gordon: What was the complex and why was it important to engage it?

Colonel Freytag: This complex was a large complex used by the military force of Serbia and by the MUP, it has been used for a long time there, a staging area as well as an area from where they operate.

Michael Gordon: Did you say the target list carried the prison as being not used?

Colonel Freytag: The target list carried this compound as a non-used prison.

Jamie Shea : Michael, I can tell you two things in addition to what Colonel Freytag said, 20 aircraft were involved in the attack and it was being, according to our information at least, a major VJ/MUP staging post since last October, so in other words since October of last year, that period. And you can see that it is a quite sizeable military compound, I think that is clearly obvious from the photograph.

John: When General Clark was in Washington on Thursday, he is reported to have warned US officials that NATO might not prevail with NATO air power alone. Do you know if that could be his view, did he express that view when he was meeting with NATO Ambassadors yesterday?

Jamie Shea : John, as you know, I participated in the meeting with General Clark and the NATO Ambassadors yesterday, it was a long meeting and I was there for the whole time, all two and a half hours, and I can assure you that what SACEUR expressed was his confidence in the effectiveness of the air campaign and that that air campaign will allow NATO to meet its essential objectives. His basic message was let's stick with it, let's stay united behind it and he presented yesterday to the Ambassadors an impressive array of achievements which I believe made it clear that that air campaign is working. There was no discussion yesterday in that meeting of any other option but to pursue the air campaign.

John: Are you saying then that from your knowledge of his views that would be contrary to his view?

Jamie Shea : All I can say John is I have got very poor eyesight but I have got 20/20 hearing and I listened very intensively to what SACEUR said yesterday and he expressed his confidence in the effectiveness of the air campaign, he gave a number of details of the effects of the air campaign thus far, he stressed the need to pursue it at both the strategic and tactical level and was confident that if we stay behind it, which is what his recommendation was, we are going to be successful.

Stephen: Jamie, I was very interested to hear about the children. Could you tell us anything more you might know about how these children may have got into Macedonia, whether it is believed they came on their own? And secondly, how are they being helped? Colonel, given that you thought this prison was unused, and it was clearly used and seemed to be one of the most notorious prisons, quite well known to the Albanian community.

Jamie Shea : And to Amnesty International as well I understand.

Stephen: So is this another kind of intelligence error from NATO?

Jamie Shea : This is not an intelligence error, this is clearly used, you only have to look at it, an airstrip, a helicopter pad, all of those military barracks and installations. The prison, or rather detention and interrogation centre which is what I believe the consensus of the usefulness of what that place is, is only one aspect of this. It was a sizeable military compound, it has been used by the VJ and the MUP as a staging post, as a headquarters area, since last October, and that is what we were striking, that military installation. I don't think many Kosovar Albanians will shed a tear if that prison is not being used because many of them have suffered very badly from their detention there, that is clear, everybody knows that. If it can now go off Amnesty International's list then I think the world is going to be better for it quite frankly.

Now as for the children, one of the things that we have been emphasising here is the family separation, it is not only the missing men which we have been tracking, but it is the fact that as a result of people being forced to leave, often in chaotic circumstances, moved around in large groups, families have become separated, and of course this is having a very traumatic effect on the children. Some of you may have been able to see the very impressive exhibition of children's paintings that has been opened up in one of the refugee camps in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia this week with the help of the authorities and where the children, as you know, have been exhibiting their paintings. And all of them, to a degree, reveal the kind of psychological traumas and stresses of seeing members of their family mistreated, in many cases shot. If their accounts are to be believed, and I see no reason to doubt them, particularly when so many children tell the same stories, then this is a difficult thing. And the international relief organisations, in addition to trying to provide schooling for those children whose lives have been disrupted at a very crucial period, are also providing counselling.

And one of the big moves is to start the registration of refugees, because it is very important in a situation where everybody's documents have been taken away from them, to actually try to put families back together again, scattered as they are, and the registration of refugees hopefully will help in that respect and we will track those figures and see to what degree they start going down.

Mark: General John Reith yesterday talked about they may need up to two years to get all the refugees back. If I could ask you for a comment on that. And Colonel Freytag, on the Estok thing, you haven't completed your assessment, have you so far seen any evidence that bombs went astray because we all saw there was a hole in the wall and presumably you weren't aiming at a wall, were you actually trying to hit targets inside the walled compound? And isn't it also fair to say that even though this target may have been a military target, it was an intelligence mistake if you thought there were no prisoners there and there are? That is not to deny it wasn't a target as well and that the VJ and the MUP weren't using it, but if there were prisoners inside and you didn't realise they were, then that was clearly an error at least in part?

Colonel Freytag: This question addressed to me is exactly the question we are still investigating, and I don't have more details for you on that, as I have said earlier.

Jamie Shea : Mark, on that one we don't have the details yet, but you can imagine that if you get a major MUP headquarters, given the activities of the special police in Kosovo over the last year, you would not be surprised to discover that a certain number of Kosovar Albanians, on whatever charges they managed to come up with, would be detained. I imagine that is a feature of police stations and MUP headquarters right across Kosovo quite frankly. But there is a difference between that and saying that this was a prison which still contained all of the hundreds or thousands of inmates, which would have been the case under normal circumstances. But having said that, obviously to the extent we learn more we will give more.

As for your question, I noted the remarks of the Commander of AFOR. I believe that what we are looking at is a situation where clearly as soon as the crisis in Kosovo is finished, we can start returning the bulk of the refugees rather quickly. They want to go home, point one. Secondly, this is not a Bosnia-type situation of having to put people back into communities which are going to reject them, in other words where the ethnic heart transplant isn't going to work. No, we don't face that problem fortunately in Kosovo. The third thing is most of them are staying quite local and therefore the distances to be travelled are fairly slight. They may be deterred of course from the problem of reconstructing their homes or whatever, and that is where the international community is to get behind it.

However, a number of refugees, even before the temporary evacuations have taken place, have in fact gone elsewhere in the world, in fact well over 100,000, even before the temporary evacuation programme began, had already gone off to wherever, Germany, Switzerland or France or wherever, because of family connections and of course it may take more time to get those people to go back. We are dealing with so many refugees that General Reith is correct, it is difficult to believe that all of them can be back within 3 or 4 months, but that is not the objective, the objective is to get the bulk of them back and to re-establish the principle of the return of refugees, the right of return, and to re-establish the principle of a multi-ethnic Kosovo, to which we are attached.

Jake: Two questions, first of all Colonel Freytag, the range of the Apache helicopters we learned when they were first sent to Albania is 400 miles. What is their range when they are obliged to fly to 10,000 feet, as they would be to fly over the mountains standing between them and Kosovo? And Jamie, this site at Kasani I believe in south western Kosovo which was attacked two days ago was apparently a KLA barracks. Initially it was assumed that this must have been attacked by Yugoslavian forces. There is, as you will have heard, a rumour sweeping Albania that it was actually attacked by NATO. Is it your understanding that NATO did attack it, was it attacked mistakenly and if so what damage was caused so far as you know?

Colonel Freytag: The Apache helicopters are attack helicopters who fight from the air to the ground and especially in low altitudes, and they also are able to fight in mountain areas and you should not think that they have to climb up to 10,000 feet to overcome. They fight where they are ordered to fight and they do it in low altitudes.

Jake: So what is the answer to the question?

Colonel Freytag: That is my only answer I give to you in this respect.

Jamie Shea : Jake, you asked me that question this morning and since that time I have been able to check this out and indeed we did strike that border command post. It was until very recently in the hands of the Yugoslav army but it appears that it was then subsequently taken over by the UCK. So I am now aware, I have seen reports, but I can't confirm any number of casualties. But let me be clear, if we had known in a very dynamic situation, particularly where the UCK is extremely active in that part, that it had been captured by the UCK then it would have been taken off the target list.

Pierre: Les avions de l'OTAN ont dtruit hier, si je compte bien, une trentaine de chars, de vhicules blinds, de camions serbes au Kosovo. Est-ce que cela veut donc dire que les avions de l'OTAN volent encore plus bas, qu'ils ont donc plus de facilit pour reprer ces engins, et est-ce que, effectivement, on note un manque de mobilit de ces blinds suite a un manque de carburant ?

Colonel Freytag: If you allow me to answer it in English. As you rightly said we have struck a number of armoured vehicles, more than 300 and they are still there, the damaged and destroyed vehicles are there on the ground because no-one is taking them out and they cannot be used by the Serb forces any more. I don't see any repair capacity in Kosovo for them.

Jamie Shea : SACEUR, when he briefed the NATO Ambassadors yesterday told them an interesting story, which I would like to share with you, of a NATO pilot who actually saw a Serb tank being hidden in a haystack, and struck the haystack, and as SACEUR said, it made a very unhaystack-like noise when it exploded. He also reported to the Ambassadors that the Serbs have been trying to bury their tanks in the ground and camouflage them, and his conclusion was that yes the Serbs are very clever, but our pilots are also very clever and in this cat and mouse game we are still managing to play the role of the cat rather than the role of the mouse.

Question: Are the pilots of the Harriers flown down now?

Colonel Freytag: We don't like to discuss the altitude of our aircraft when they attack, and I can only tell you and assure you that they use and choose the right altitude for their attacks.

Jamie Shea : Je pense, Pierre, qu'il s'agit galement du facteur mtorologique : l'altitude est moins importante que la bonne visibilit. Quand il n'y a pas de nuages, les facteurs mtorologiques sont en notre faveur.

Doug: I would just like to return to these barracks and if possible to nail down the name, because if it is Kasari barracks, about 10 km inside Kosovo from northern Albania, it has been in the hands of the KLA for at least 4 weeks, journalists from the west have been over there, it has been on television, I have seen it on Sky TV as a matter of fact, among other televisions, it has been visited by western journalists, everybody knows it was in the hands of the KLA, it was a route they had established to go in there and which the VJ had been unable to take from them. Is this the place we are talking about that NATO had struck by mistake?

Jamie Shea : Doug, I don't pretend to have every final detail on this incident. What I can tell you is that the target there which was struck by NATO was done so on the assumption that it was still in the hands of the VJ and subsequently it appears that it had been taken over by the UCK. That is all the information I have so I am repeating the answer that I gave a moment ago.

Question - Greg: Just to get this on the record, there has been a lot of words, things said from Washington about the status of ground troops in the area. Number one, where does NATO stand now on approving deployment and formulating the shape of the force, the security force, that would bring Kosovar Albanian refugees back, number one, number two, there are reports that the ground combat action, that is an actual invasion option, is still being studied. Can you confirm that? And three can you tell me what kind of impetus there is concerning the winter which comes quite early in the region.

Jamie Shea : Well Greg, thanks for that battery of questions. The first one is that the military committee has now, since yesterday, made a formal recommendation to the North Atlantic Council for the updating of the operational plan. That will go to NATO Ambassadors this week for decision and of course we will then look at how we adjust the size of the force to the new circumstances. But I am not, contrary to press reports, going to confirm any figures yet because that is in the hands still of the NATO Ambassadors who have not yet made a formal decision. But of course I have never made any secret of the fact that the whole purpose of this exercise is to come up with a force which is adjusted to the very different circumstances that we will find in Kosovo in, whenever, 1999 as compared with October or whenever of last year when the plan was originally approved by the Council so we will see there.

As for the topic of the size of the provisional deployment in theatre, that too is going to be defined by the Ambassadors and if there is need for additional soldiers, two things will happen. First, SHAPE will have a force generation conference to produce those additional forces and to determine the time lines, and secondly of course NATO will have to be in touch with the government of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia to seek its permission to exceed the current ceiling of 16,000 on those forces. The political approval of course has to be sought as you well know.

Now as for the third aspect of the question, I have always made it clear that no option is off the table. We have said consistently that all of our plans - all of our plans - for ground forces will be kept under review. The Secretary General, just before the Washington Summit, asked SACEUR to do that and SACEUR of course has been doing precisely that. But, but, the priority and our focus is on the peace implementation force, no other option has moved beyond the planning stage. Only the peace implementation force, the international security force is now under active consideration by the North Atlantic Council.

Konrad, you may add something, ...not yet, I was predicting the imminent future.

Colonel Freytag: The winter effect, of course the winter has an effect on the ground, a severe effect, it does not have one on our Allied Force operation, I want to say that. Secondly, of course is the very negative effect on the IDPs on the ground and on the refugees in total also in the neighbouring countries and it also has a strong effect on the VJ and the Special Police if they were still there at that time, also a negative on them.

Stephen: Jamie, in the past you have talked about when you are updating the KFOR plan, the need there would be enough troops to move in quickly because you are afraid of a vacuum. I know there are lots of other reasons why the force has to be larger but I wish you would focus on the vacuum. What is it specifically you are concerned about in terms of the vacuum, what are the bad scenarios that you would be trying to avoid, that you want to move quickly to avoid?

Jamie Shea : Obviously Stephen we first of all want to have a force that ensures that the Serb forces have left and keep to the provisions of any agreement. That is clear, so compliance with the terms of the agreement is the first objective of the force. Secondly, a force which is able to ensure that we do not have chaotic refugee returns, in other words that the refugee return be done in an orderly way and in line with the capacity of course to absorb these people coming back. Thirdly, a force which is large enough to provide the immediate support to the humanitarian organisations which will be going back in particularly in terms of communications, basic infrastructure, essential repairs, there is the mine issue that is going to have to be looked at and so on. And protection of course while the war crimes investigators, who also will have an important job to do quickly, quickly, before further evidence is tampered with or destroyed in carrying out their investigations. And finally a force which will be robust enough and large enough to provide the essential climate of security on which all else hinges. So those are some of the factors which are going to be driving the process.

Question: On the climate of security, are you afraid that there will be retribution, killings, activities by the KLA that you wouldn't want to have happen.

Jamie Shea : Well let's say, let's just put it that the more law and order, the better for everybody concerned.

Question: Could you give us a political lecture of these new influx of refugees, I mean in the last days in which President Milosevic seemed to doubt about all the options, it was a calm, relatively calm, situation. Now it seems to restart the influx in a quite sizeable number. How do you rate in political terms and in Belgrade's attitude this new influx.

Jamie Shea: That's a very good question and I don't pretend to have a scientific answer there because clearly only President Milosevic can explain the rationale for doing this kind of thing. It is quite a mystery to me quite frankly what the rationale would be. All we do know is that it is happening. The refugees themselves give three explanations. Explanation no. 1 is the classic one, the knock on the door, the demand for money, the half an hour notice period to pack my rucksack, as it were and go. Explanation no. 2 is simply the climate of insecurity, people who just have been holding on for months and months because, as I said, you won't want to leave your home easily, none of us here will, our home is what we have spent most of our lives trying to construct and nobody, even in conditions of insecurity, want simply to walk away and leave it behind and a number of people have been holding on. But even these people now are saying, well I wasn't told to leave but the situation had become so intolerable that finally I decided I had no choice to go. The third explanation is that the Serbs have managed to track down groups of internally displaced persons who normally huddle together in groups for security and for self-help and have been pushing them to the border. That also has been the case. But why Milosevic turns the tap on and off, it is very difficult to know. Again it is difficult for rational people to understand the irrational and I don't therefore have an answer for that.

Ladies and Gentlemen, thank you again for coming today. We will of course be providing the normal press briefings tomorrow.

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