Keynote address

by NATO Deputy Secretary General Claudio Bisogniero
at the “Forum on Euro-Atlantic Security”

Minister Klich,
Chairman,
Authorities,
Ladies and Gentlemen,

Let me start by saying what a great pleasure it is for me to be in Krakow today, and to take part in this Forum on Euro-Atlantic Security.  NATO has been cooperating with the Institute for Strategic Studies for several years, and I am delighted that we are co-sponsoring today’s meeting.

The theme for our First Session is “NATO – An Alliance Acting Globally?”  As you see, the theme is phrased as a question rather than an affirmation.  And I believe there is good reason for doing that, because the term “global” is easily misunderstood.  To some, it will sound over ambitious. To others, it will look as if NATO is keen to assert itself at the expense of other institutions.  This is certainly not the case.

George Orwell once said that language can corrupt thought.  To me, the notion of a “global NATO”, or of an Alliance with a global agenda, is a perfect case in point.  Because it creates the impression of NATO as a “global policeman” -- and hence it suggests a responsibility that the Alliance, - and let me be absolutely clear on this – does not aspire to, and a responsibility that the Alliance could not realistically sustain.

What I believe people are trying to capture with the term “global” is NATO’s shift from a mainly geographical understanding of security to a functional approach.  We simply can no longer divide the risks and threats to our security into “near” and “far” as we used to.  XXI century security challenges - such as terrorism, the spread of weapons of mass destruction and regional instability - can only be dealt with through a broad and also seamless approach.  And it is that broad, functional approach to security, rather than a purely geographic one, which is a key characteristic of NATO today.

It is visible, first and foremost, in our operational engagements.  Today, well over 60,000 NATO soldiers – including sizeable contributions by Poland -- are engaged in operations on three different continents. Operations ranging from military training and education, to maritime patrolling, to peacekeeping, stabilisation and combat missions.  And while each of these operations is different, they all follow the same logic of engagement -- the logic that, in order to safeguard our security, we must be prepared to act in new ways and in new places.

Clearly, for an Alliance with a long and successful history of deterring threats - and even, in the case of the old Warsaw Pact, outliving them - tackling threats head-on poses a range of challenges.  All our nations now risk suffering casualties in operations far away from home, for reasons which our publics never find easy to understand.  And let me use this opportunity to extend my deepest sympathy to the families and loved ones of the Polish soldiers who have made the ultimate sacrifice in these years, and those who have been wounded in the course of their duties.

All our nations face other, more material challenges too.  We all have to make tough and costly decisions to make our forces leaner and more useable for expeditionary operations.  The long-term nature of many of our deployments has raised additional questions on how to resource them and share the burden in a way that all Allies perceive as fair and equitable.  The recent financial crisis has raised the importance of finding common solutions and pooling resources within the Alliance.  NATO Defence Ministers discussed those vital elements of NATO’s ongoing military transformation in Budapest just recently, and they will carry forward that work when they meet again here in Krakow in February.  And let me say that we in NATO are very much looking  forward to that important event.

Our experiences in the Balkans and Afghanistan have demonstrated that the ultimate success of our operations increasingly depends on political and economic development, rather than on military preponderance only.  And it is that realisation which has made NATO one of the key proponents of a “comprehensive approach” to today’s risks and threats – a “comprehensive approach”, by which we mean the broadest possible engagement by nations and organisations, and the most effective mix of military and civilian interventions, “hard” and “soft” security instruments.  This is a pillar of NATO’s approach.

Getting NATO, the UN, the EU and other international organisations to work better together is difficult for a variety of well-known reasons.  Slowly but surely, we are all realising that there is simply no alternative to closer cooperation.

The NATO Secretary General and the Secretary General of the United Nations signed a joint declaration, just a few weeks ago, which is a big step in the right direction.  It describes our common interests, and it identifies a number of concrete ways in which we can work together to pursue those interests.  And hopefully it will set the scene for further progress – for example, in building closer relations between NATO and the African Union, the Arab League, and key NGOs.  We in NATO are certainly open to such closer contacts.

Over the past few years, our cooperation with the African Union has already increased significantly.  At the AU’s request, we have provided support for its Missions in Sudan and Somalia, and given advice and training support to the AU’s efforts to strengthen its peacekeeping abilities, particularly the African Standby Force. 

There is slow but steady progress also towards an improved, better structured partnership between the European Union and NATO.  In the field, especially in the Balkans, we have worked together rather well for several years already.  And there is now a growing realisation that the EU must, and will become, a stronger security actor – but that it can only be effective when it is a partner for the United States and NATO, and not perceived as a counterweight. They key words here are cooperation and coordination as appropriate, not competition.

At the same time, there is also less and less nervousness about NATO developing closer contacts with countries outside the Euro-Atlantic area – including countries such as Australia, Japan and China. I believe that - in view of these countries’ strong support to international stabilisation operations mandated by the UN - there is a growing understanding that, rather than NATO undermining the United Nations, our support actually enhances the effectiveness and benefits the United Nations.

NATO’s new, more functional approach to security is also visible in our response to emerging challenges, such as cyber warfare and energy security.  Today, there is a growing recognition that these emerging challenges also need to be addressed through a comprehensive approach – and that NATO can offer significant added value. 

One challenge which has quickly become very pressing is the return of piracy – and here, as well, NATO has offered to help, working together with other actors.  In response to a request by the UN, we have started to help protect World Food Programme ships carrying supplies to conflict-ridden Somalia.  And as we formalise this anti-piracy role by the Alliance, we will continue to activley coordinate as appropriate with the WFP, the European Union and the US forces, who are all involved in this humanitarian and security effort.

Now, as we turn our attention to the new and emerging security challenges before our member nations, we cannot, and must not, forget NATO’s traditional, longer-standing objectives – and indeed we are not.

Collective defence was the original “raison d’être” of the Alliance, and it remains our core purpose.  In the wake of events in Georgia in August, there has been anxiety in some quarters – including here in Poland – about the Alliance’s preparedness to defend the territory of its member nations.  But I sincerely believe that such anxiety is unfounded.  As a unique political and military commitment, our founding Treaty is as strong as ever.  And NATO’s ongoing defence transformation is aimed precisely at developing capabilities that are suited both to modern expeditionary operations and traditional core defence tasks.  Our determination in this area remains unchanged, as it has not changed in the last 60 years.

Neither are we losing sight of NATO’s longstanding vocation to help create a European continent that is whole, free and at peace – through our policy of partnership and cooperation, and a further enlargement of our membership.

Progressively, all of South-East Europe is joining the European mainstream.  We continue to work with other international actors to support the development of a stable and democratic Kosovo.  At our NATO Summit in Bucharest in April, we not only invited Albania and Croatia to join our Alliance, but we also sent strong and encouraging signals to other countries in the Balkans.  And I believe that those signals have resonated positively, including in Serbia, which is a pivotal country in the region.

Regrettably, elsewhere in Europe, there are countries which find it much harder to shed a difficult past, while others are burdened with frozen conflicts.  As an Alliance, we want to continue to reach out to all those countries as well, to engage them in dialogue and cooperation, and to help them to chart their own future.  And there is a key role for Poland in supporting and facilitating NATO policy in this respect. 

In the wake of the crisis in Georgia in August, and the latest political crisis in Ukraine, both countries know that the door to NATO membership remains open to them.  But they also know that it is not an automatic door – and that in addition to broader security considerations, NATO nations will wish to see that the two countries  are firmly on the path of democratic and internal reforms before they are admitted into our Membership Action Plan.  And of course we are helping them to stay on that path, by giving practical assistance and engaging in political dialogue, including in the NATO-Georgia Commission which we created following the events of August.

While there can be no business as usual with Russia following its recent actions in Georgia, it is not in our interest to punish or to isolate Russia.  Indeed, judging by the very limited support which it has received for its recognition of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, Russia has done much to isolate itself.  Yet it is in the long-term interest of both NATO and Russia that they should work together.  No matter how much we may disagree on some issues, we also face a number of common challenges – not least Afghanistan, terrorism and proliferation – and we are much better off if we face them together.  

Finally, we have to make even better use of NATO in its key role as a framework for transatlantic political dialogue. Our consultations have already broadened and deepened significantly these last few years. And if we want to meet all the different challenges that I have outlined, we will need even more regular, frank and also strategic transatlantic discussion.  I believe that here, as well, Poland can help us move in the right direction.

Ladies and Gentlemen,  

At the beginning of my remarks, I warned against labelling NATO as an organisation with global ambitions – and I wish to repeat that point again.  It is clear, at the same time, that in this new century, the Alliance must be prepared to take action well beyond its traditional Euro-Atlantic perimeter – while not forgetting that there is unfinished business right here in Europe.

NATO’s 60th Anniversary Summit next April will showcase this new, XXI century Alliance.  It will reaffirm the determination of the transatlantic Allies to meet the many challenges before them – together, and with the rest of the international community.  The Summit should also adopt a Declaration on Alliance Security, paving the way for a review of our Strategic Concept to reflect that strong sense of common purpose. This is an effort in which Poland and the many other countries which have joined our Alliance over the past ten years will be fully involved.  And I am sure that we will all be individually and collectively stronger because of it.

Thank you for your attention.