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Updated: 18-Apr-2005 NATO Speeches

At NATO Annual
Conference

Brussels

14 April 2005

Towards a Renewed Transatlantic Partnership

Address by Antonio Martino, Minister of Defence, Italy

Let me first of all say how honoured I am to address such a distinguished gathering on the theme “towards a new transatlantic partnership”. I would also like to thank you, M. Secretary general, for having suggested to focus our attention on this important issue at a time when threats to our security have radically changed and the importance of a solid transatlantic relation is even greater than in the past.

Today, as in the past, our liberty is in danger, because our security is in danger. Today, as in the past, liberty should be preserved at all costs. Liberty is the most important of our values, because nothing is valuable without it. Peace means nothing without liberty: the gulag was peaceful. Democracy, prosperity and justice are empty words in the absence of liberty. Our goal is to preserve and protect liberty in an insecure and unstable world.

This world is poles apart from the world of the XX century, when the threat which marked the entire century was that of world war .the past century has experienced two world wars and the cold war, which, had it become hot might have resulted in a planetary holocaust. As a consequence the key concept in the XX century was that of defence, and, by definition, defence alliances are exclusive, being characterized by those countries against which they were formed.

The end of the bipolar logic after the collapse of the soviet empire, and especially after 9/11, has changed the strategic picture considerably. The nature of the threat has also changed from global war to global terror. That is why we have had to move from the idea of defence, the appropriate response to the danger of global war, to that of security, the appropriate answer to terrorism. By its nature security is an inclusive concept because, under certain conditions, the larger the number of countries belonging to a security organization, the more effective it becomes. In other words since terrorism is global, the response must be global. Each country can contribute to the common effort with what it can do best. We are all necessary, although to a different extent.

Nowadays the international scenario is marked by new widespread, asymmetrical threats that are difficult to locate. This involves having to face crises by actions integrated at all levels: political, diplomatic, social, economic and military.

This different approach to security has impacted on the Atlantic alliance and it helps to explain the enlargement of both NATO and the European union, and the new relationship between NATO and the Russian federation. In the same way NATO has set up partnerships with Mediterranean countries and, lately, through the Istanbul cooperation initiative, with the nations of the Middle East.

The alliance must continue working in the broader context of a plurality of institutions and international fora. We have an interest in further strengthening close cooperation with other institutions.

The most important partnership is between NATO and the European Union, which share the same geo-strategic perspective. Italy’s contribution to the alliance has always been based on the need to preserve and consolidate such a cohesion, which, for the reasons mentioned previously, has become even more vital in the new global dimension of international relations. The “European security strategy” and the “declaration on transatlantic relations” were clear signals of Europe’s desire to deepen our common understanding of the new security threats. The “Berlin plus agreements” provides the framework for a partnership that can further strengthen trans-Atlantic relations: because they share the same perspectives, it is both logical and necessary that the two institutions should complement one another, as we are witnessing in the successful cooperation in Bosnia.

The transformation process set in motion at the Prague summit addressed the problem of NATO’s new military capabilities. However the response to terror requires, but cannot be limited to, military action. In order to be effective, a whole set of different instruments – political, diplomatic, economic - are necessary. As for our peace missions, they are multinational and based on the teamwork of all armed forces. International interoperability is of the essence, and so is usability, the capacity to deploy a large percentage of total forces. Finally, but certainly no less important, rapid deployment is crucial: if crises are allowed to grow and accumulate over time, dealing with them becomes much more difficult and dangerous.

To do so it is necessary to further develop the political dimension of NATO, implementing concrete initiatives in areas where our contribution has added value that complements that of other similar regional initiatives in other fora. Combating terrorism, countering the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and various forms of illegal trafficking are all areas where there is a broad scope for working together to our mutual benefit.

NATO therefore does not need military capabilities only in order to respond to crises once they break out. It also needs a comprehensive political strategy for preventing such crises, using the appropriate instruments of dialogue and partnerships. The importance of NATO’s political role has grown rather than diminished in our increasingly complex security situation. So has the need for a forward-looking strategy for the best use of multidimensional efforts of security cooperation.

We are all aware that the future of peace, liberty and democracy depends on the partnership between Europe and the United States. At the Istanbul summit the Atlantic alliance has been strengthened and it is even more determined to play its fundamental role for the defence and security of our countries.

Nato’s capacity to adapt to changing conditions is indeed vital. The alliance’s adaptability is in my opinion its most important asset and it is entirely based on the sense of duty and devotion of women and men from member states. It is their willingness and ability to serve that has allowed NATO to cope with these new challenges.

NATO has succeeded in extending liberal democracy in the old continent; in preventing ethnic, religious and nationalistic tensions from becoming potentially devastating conflicts; in preparing itself to the new challenges facing international security. Although the risk of global war is much smaller than it has ever been, the threat coming from global terror is real and extremely difficult to neutralize. Actually terrorism is the most serious of all problems, political or military.

We must therefore win peace by circumscribing the worldwide network of terrorist supporters. Such a goal can only be achieved by sharing, through dialogue and partnership, the responsibility and the burden of protecting civil society. Nato’s relevance is greater today than before.

Let me now mention a correlation between EU and NATO. The Atlantic alliance and the European union must show that their relations with south Mediterranean countries are not marked by mistrust, without however surrendering the moral, civil and political values on which they have been built. This is the reason why during the Istanbul summit we strongly supported the relaunching of the Mediterranean dialogue as a partnership. Some areas once considered of lesser consequence are now critical parts of the security context. The Istanbul cooperation initiative is offering co-operation to a broader context of countries in order to further enhance stability and security.

In progressing towards a renewed transatlantic partnership we must reach a comprehensive vision without being misled into believing that there are simple solutions to complex problems. Alfonso x, “The learned king of Castille” (1252-1284), is quoted as remarking: “if the lord almighty had consulted me before embarking upon the creation, i would have recommended something simpler”. Alas he was not consulted: we are doomed to live in a complex world.

Finally let us not forget that the Atlantic alliance is not only a military defence organisation. We are not friends because we are allies. We are allies because we are friends. Our community is based on shared political values. The need to defend those fundamental values of the alliance exists today no less than yesterday. While NATO’s future historical context and role will be different from the past, its inspiring values will be the same. NATO as the principal bond between Europe and North America still has a role to play. It cannot be dissolved it only has to be transformed and it is being transformed.

Thank you

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