![]() |
Updated: 09-Dec-2004 | NATO Speeches |
NATO 9 Dec. 2004 |
Statement by the Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Hon. Gianfranco Fini
(Political dimension) NATO allows us to cope with challenges together, to share risks and responsibilities, to work within a common framework. Even in the new strategic context, NATO reaffirms its validity as the permanent forum for political consultation between the democracies of Europe and North America. This is the place where we discuss the main security issues and choose the most effective ways to address daunting challenges. When confronted with the threats posed by terrorism, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, illicit trafficking, we strongly feel among Allies the need for close consultation and strategic cooperation for our common security. Cooperation which appears even more important since threats to security can effectively be fought only by means of a strong transatlantic cohesion. The broad agenda agreed in Istanbul by Heads of States and Government requires support by our Parliaments. We therefore welcome the first ever joint meeting of NATO Parliamentary Assembly with the NAC which took place in Venice on November 13th. We encourage such a dialogue to continue. We share a strong common interest in the best use of international institutions for coping with the new threats jeopardizing our security. For NATO this means working in close cooperation with other multilateral organisations and fora. By developing this kind of interaction, the political dimension of the Alliance can become a useful tool for the establishment of effective multilateralism.
(Afghanistan) But we cannot consider our work as accomplished. The maintenance of an adequate security framework is essential for the consolidation of the stabilisation process in the Country. NATO must continue to play a decisive role in this process. We must now aim at broadening and strengthening synergies with the United Nations and the Coalition “ Enduring Freedom” in order to support in the most effective way the new Afghan Government in its fight against terrorists, warlords and drug dealers. The continuation of ISAF expansion into the Western regions is an important step in this direction. It is a development that Italy welcomes and is willing to support, taking on the lead of the PRT in Herat and of the related FSB in cooperation with the United States and other Countries. An exploratory mission is currently in Herat. We plan to deploy troops and assets between January and March 2005 having also in mind the forthcoming political elections in April. (Iraq) This means working, step by step, in favour of a strategy of national responsibility, of good neighbourhood and of multilateral support to the establishment of democracy. This would allow to lay the groundwork for a smooth transition towards a full and swift “iraqisation” of security forces and a consequent gradual disengagement of the multinational force. Within this framework NATO’s assistance for the training and equipping of Iraqi forces represents a crucial component in the “Iraqisation” process. Italy is on the front line in this programme, as active as it used to be also on the bilateral level. We would be delighted to see all Allies committed to implementing the decisions taken in Istanbul by our Heads of State and Government. Italy is also actively working so as to combine, in a complementary way, this NATO initiative with an ESDP civil mission in the field of the rule of law and training of police. (Mediterranean/Middle East) Our wish is that – thanks to a new Palestinian leadership and a gradual stabilisation of the situation in Iraq – we shall be able to lay the foundation for an intensified political dialogue as well as for more effective practical cooperation with our Partners from the Mediterranean. We shall privilege an approach aimed at maximising synergies with similar initiatives carried out in other fora, to begin with the Barcelona process in the EU. On this basis, we intend to strengthen our cooperation links not only with our Mediterranean Dialogue Partners, but also with all those countries of the region who are genuinely interested in starting practical activities with the Alliance in areas of common interest. Following decisions taken in Istanbul, we should now take full advantage of the instruments provided by the “Istanbul Cooperation Initiative”. In this mind-frame, we follow with interest the significant steps taken by Libya and look at the prospect of her gradual approaching the Partnership dimension. In the same spirit, we consider the idea of an involvement of Malta and Cyprus in the Mediterranean Dialogue. In our view, this might facilitate the development of a strategic NATO-EU partnership in the Mediterranean. As a matter of fact, we are even more aware that security
in the euro-atlantic area is intimately linked to security in the Mediterranean
and in the countries of the entire region. (Balkans) The future of the Balkans lies in their permanent linkage to NATO and the EU, the only viable option for completion of the necessary domestic reforms within each country. We have a duty therefore to assist the Balkan countries, encouraging them to pursue their efforts for their full integration into the euro-atlantic community. It is with this spirit that Italy supports the legitimate aspirations of Albania, Croatia and FYROM for a future accession to the Alliance and encourages their efforts in the framework of NATO “Membership Action Plan” . In a similar way, we look with favour at the participation of Bosnia-Herzegovina and Serbia-Montenegro in the Partnership for Peace cooperation programme, once Sarajevo and Belgrade have satisfied the conditions required. We expect significant signals in this direction at the January NAC meeting with the two Ministers of Foreign Affairs. (Kosovo) The issue of the “status” can only be addressed against significant and measurable progress. This transcends the composition and the lead of the new Government, though controversial these may appear. The issue of Kosovo final “status” must be discussed in the presence of a framework of international and European guarantees. The solution can only be found on middle ground, between two opposites, both having revealed themselves not viable ones : the re-establishment of the ante 1999 situation with reintegration into the Serbian territory or full and sovereign independence. Creative formulas are needed that, based upon substantial
and certified progress in the implementation of priority standards and
decentralisation, might establish a real and effective framework of international
and European guarantee. (NATO-EU) We continue to believe that gradual consolidation of ESDP will contribute to strengthen NATO European pillar, with a view to enhancing synergies and avoiding duplications. In the new international context, NATO-EU cooperation and complementarity, that will undergo an important test in Bosnia-Herzegovina, appear both logic and necessary.
NATO-Russia partnership is one of the main pillars for security in the euro-atlantic area. The special quality of our relationship reflects our common interest to discuss political and security themes and to act together, whenever needed. We should strive to broaden, with a constructive approach, political dialogue also to those issues upon which we have different views and give new flesh to the constructive spirit in this new phase of our relations with Moscow. At the same time, our partnership with Moscow should also consolidate upon more intense practical cooperation in sectors of common interests, starting with the fight to terrorism. Russia’s foreseen participation in the Operation ““Active Endeavour” is an important step in this direction. (Ukraine) The strengthening of relations between the Alliance and Kiev can but be based on the pledge to share goals and values intrinsic to the euro-atlantic community. Consolidation of democratic institutions, development of civil society and establishment of the rule of law : these are the standards upon which we must continue to measure Ukraine’s aspirations for a closer integration within the Alliance’s institutions. The critical current events make the choice even simpler :
Ukraine can legitimately ask for a privileged relationship with NATO
and the EU only inasmuch as it remains committed to the rules of law
and democracy. ![]() |