![]() |
Updated: 04-Jun-2003 | NATO Speeches |
Madrid,
Spain
4 June 2003 |
“ Democratic transformation and its contribution to stability in the Euro Atlantic area”" Remarks
We usually agree that our Partnership had greatly enhanced security and stability throughout the Euro-Atlantic area. We reflect less often on how we have done it. We even less often, if ever, hear about this success on CNN. What is the nature of our success then? What is the purpose of NATO’s policy of Partnership and Cooperation? I believe there is a logic to this policy, and there is a strategic goal behind it. It is however not to build a new international security institution. It is to support the domestic democratic transformation. This quest for democracy is not an ideological crusade. NATO does not promote democracy just for the sake of doing it. We do it because it is a tested mechanism for ensuring lasting domestic stability, and - by extension – also international stability and peace. In simple words, democracies do not fight each other. They rather trade and cooperate with each other. They may argue, but at the end always find a peaceful way to settle their differences – or at least they are expected to do so. Naturally, our efforts focus on defence. But NATO and its Partners are not interested in just having more capable armies. We are all interested in having democratically controlled, transparently funded, accountable, and capable armies put in service of democratic states in pursuit of legitimate goals. Reform of the defence and security sector – indisponsable as it is - cannot substitute for larger democratic reform. But democracy is not complete and cannot succeed without defence reform. In this kind of business success is never immediate, seldom spectacular, and rarely applauded by international media. Hubert Vedrine once said that democracy is not instant as coffee, it’s a process in the making. So is NATO’s policy of partnership and co-operation. Yet, measured with the right yardstick, the success of this policy is indeed impressive. Eight former members of the Warsaw Pact and three former Soviet Republics have joined or been invited to join NATO. None of us would have succeeded without thorough democratic change, encouraged and supported by NATO since 1991. Three other nations work to complete this change. Other Partners contemplate joining and understand the need to establish their democratic credentials to do so. Even the most distant Partners are increasingly interested in developing ties with an organisation founded on democracy, individual liberty and the rule of law. Last but not least, in my view, it is from the logic and experience of Partnership that the relationships with Russia and Ukraine have grown. Without Partnership and enlargement, there would have not been a NATO-Russia Council. This council is not to re-enact the concert of great powers. It is to help ensure Russia’s proper, significant place in the Euro-Atlantic family of democratic nation-states. The terrorist threat has not eliminated the need for domestic reform. It has not invalidated Partnership’s key mission. Quite to the contrary. Terrorism is born in opposition to democracy. It thrives on domestic instability, deficit of governance, abuse of human rights, and a phenomenon of so called weak states. Partnership should play a role in the fight against terrorism. At the same time it has to be improved as an instrument for NATO to provide Partners with systematic advice and assistance in democratic reforms. Such advice cannot be provided in a political vacuum. Allies cannot remain indifferent to the political complexities of Partners’ domestic and international situation. The EAPC must change its “lowest-common–denominator” culture of work. It must address real political problems in any format that serves this purpose. Political symbolism is no longer enough. We have already made first steps in this direction. Poland welcomes the Individual Partnership Action Plan and interest in it already expressed by Azerbaijan and Georgia. We applaud first Partner initiatives to seek individual political dialogue with the Alliance, and encourage others to follow. Of course, we must be realistic: EAPC will not defeat terror today or transform our region into a zone of democracy and prosperity tomorrow. However, we can remain enthusiastic. We only need to fully understand what our purpose is and to focus on it fully. EAPC is not about building an international organisation. PfP is not about increasing Europe’s military might. The Euro-Atlantic Partnership is about co-operation in support of domestic reform. In its own quiet way, it will continue to enhance security and stability across the Euro-Atlantic area. My country remains fully committed to this goal. Finally, although the question of Iraq is not subject of this panel,
I would like to say a few words about it. The long-term stabilisation
of Iraq is only possible through democratic transformation. Poland will
play its part by sharing our own experience. But every country has its
own specificity. The more multinational the effort the broader advice
can be given on how to change Iraq. The support of the EAPC and its individual
members can be useful and important in this regard.
|