Partnership:
The Foundation of Euro-Atlantic Security
Speech
by the former President of Finland, Martti Ahtisaari
It is a great pleasure for me to be here today in this
conference that celebrates the ten years of Partnership
and co-operation. The title of this session: Partnership,
the Foundation of Euro-Atlantic Security is a very concrete
and timely one. NATO has fundamentally changed during
these ten years as shown by its cooperation with non-member
countries. Geographically, it has linked all countries
in the Euro-Atlantic area. Politically, it has developed
the notion of cooperative security.
However, when gathered here today we are looking the
European Security from a completely different view point
than just two months ago. I propose to divide my presentation
into three main issues. First, I will touch on the changed
security environment and the new opportunities and challenges
it poses to the European Security architecture and particularly
to NATO and the Partnership. Second, I will briefly explore
the significance and contribution of the partnership to
the stability of Europe. Finally, I will share some of
my thoughts about the future and the next steps for the
Partnership.
After the appalling and tragic attacks in New York and
Washington DC a conclusion that was repeated over and
over again was that the world and our perception of security
has fundamentally and irrevocably changed. The scale and
scope of terrorism's targeting of innocent civilians across
borders and the stateless nature of the organisers represent
a security challenge the likes of which the world has
never seen before.
Indeed, terrorism is a good example of the new security
threats that seriously challenge what is still a largely
state-centred security system. Many of today's most serious
threats are global in scale. In addition to terrorism,
they include corruption, organised crime, drug trafficking,
spreading of small arms and proliferation of mass destruction
weapons. Taken together, these new threats are such that
it is extremely difficult for governments to come up with
effective responses. Confronted with terrorism and biological
warfare the traditional military force is far from adequate.
It is crucial that the military effort will be coupled
with other measures, such as international police co-operation,
financial investigation and cooperation and diplomacy.
Therefore a crucial task for the international community
is to continue improving the civilian preparedness in
crisis management.
Furthermore, democracy, respect for human rights, rule
of law and fight against corruption are vital. We cannot
talk about security if these principles are not followed
and respected in societies. I wish that the change the
world experienced on 11 September would make governments
seek ways to develop co-operation between democratic countries
to deal with the root causes of conflicts such as alleviating
poverty. Progress can be achieved only if people are made
aware of existing peaceful means in addressing issues
that breed terrorism. One cause, all too often recurrent,
is the lack of respect for the right to self-determination
that belongs to all nations.
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This new global situation poses new challenges to the
North Atlantic Treaty Organisation as a whole including
its partners. How as a regional organisation can it contribute
to management of threats that are global in scale? I see
this seminar as a part of the thinking process that NATO
has engaged itself about the threats we face and the means
dealing with them. Clearly, these problems cannot be solved
without effective international cooperation. It is therefore
critical, above all, to improve the ways in which we cooperate
and exchange information.
The second characteristic of the current European security
environment is that majority of armed conflicts are not
between states but within states. Conflict regions and
war torn societies need long-term assistance from the
international community including a presence of a stabilising
force. NATO's peacekeeping operations in the Balkans have
demonstrated the value of the Partnership in practise.
The Planning and Review Process (PARP) has been a central
tool in developing military interoperability. It has facilitated
evaluation and development of the capability of forces
to cooperate in crisis-management operations. One may
even say that without the contribution of the PfP countries
SFOR and KFOR would have not been as successful.
However, the challenge for NATO and its partners is far
from over in the Balkans. I have said elsewhere that the
international community must be prepared to remain involved
in the Balkans for the long term, for ten or twenty years
- until the job is done. The presence of international
troops will be necessary for a long time to come if the
region is to be stabilized.
NATO members and its Partners have a lot in common with
each other, particularly the value placed on freedom and
democracy. As Secretary-General George Robertson put it
in the Sofia Summit on 5 October, "The new democracies
have demonstrated once again that they are not fair-weather
friends. They have emphasized that the Euro-Atlantic community
is growing quickly from a community of shared values to
a community of shared action." I agree. NATO is not
only a political and culture club but it is something
far more serious besides: a defense alliance and a cornerstone
of European Security.
The coalition building against terrorism has opened a
possibility of collaboration in other areas that would
have seemed impossible less than two months ago. During
the past weeks, the world has witnessed a geopolitical
realignment potentially comparable to that of 1945 at
the end of the Second World War or the fall of the Berlin
Wall in 1989. One of the most visible embodiment of that
change yet, was President Putin's visit to Brussels in
the beginning of this month.
NATO has gradually expanded to cover the present nineteen
members. But the process of enlargement cannot stop there.
Several European nations have expressed an interest in
joining NATO. Among the nations aspiring to membership
are Slovenia, Slovakia, Romania, Bulgaria, and the Baltic
States. The other countries in the Balkans and Ukraine
may be candidates in the future. I appreciate NATO's policy
of open doors and its will to develop cooperation with
Partner countries. It is important that every country
has the right to choose its own security arrangements.
However, in the context of enlargement, partnership arrangements
will require particular attention and effort by NATO.
This is in order to keep the arrangement relevant for
countries that may be unlikely to join the Alliance early
or at all.
The European Union is taking steps to improve its own
civilian and military crisis management capacity, and
is in so doing making efforts to improve the link between
military capability and the development of more effective
policy mechanisms for crisis management and prevention.
As the EU develops its capabilities, we must ensure that
the developments within NATO and the EU remain mutually
supportive. After all, we share the same goal on both
sides of the Atlantic: the enhancement of European capabilities
in order to achieve a better balance in terms of US-Europe
burden sharing. The presence of US troops continues to
be an important element of European security overall.
The Common European Security and Defence Policy, ESDP,
is not about the EU developing a collective defence capability.
The ESDP is about crisis management and about increased
flexibility in addressing crisis situations. To be able
to reach this goal we need a well-oiled EU-NATO link.
Partnership for Peace was created as one of NATO's instruments to respond
to the new security environment and to manage the change after the end
of the Cold War. It was grounded in practical activities in the defence-related
and military field, and it facilitates the Allies' bilateral military
assistance programmes. The Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (EAPC) was
created in May 1997, responding to the need for a more visible political
link between the Partners and NATO. It is important that the EAPC provides
a forum for both Allies and Partners to address together the security
challenges in the Euro-Atlantic region. The NATO-Russia Permanent Joint
Council and the NATO-Ukraine Commission were established the same year
to complement the EAPC. Both frameworks were designed to take account
of the unique role of the Russian Federation and Ukraine in Euro-Atlantic
security.
But PfP is not only about Partners. It is also about
NATO. From the day PfP was announced, it became a central
feature of NATO's outreach policy and a driving force
in adjusting the Alliance to the new security environment.
The EAPC has a key role in ensuring effective participation
of Partner countries in NATO-led crisis management operations.
Joint responses to crisis management requires more than
interoperable forces. On the basis of experiences from
real operations, the PfP programme has been expanded to
include a Political Military Framework (PMF) for NATO-led
PfP operations. The PMF enhances the Partners' roles in
political guidance, oversight, operational planning, and
command arrangements of these operations. It is important
that Partners who actively contribute to a NATO-led PfP
operation have a say in decision-making at the design
and execution stage of crisis management operations.
The value of the civilian component of the Partnership,
in areas such as crisis management, civil emergency planning
and air and traffic management come very apparent in these
new circumstances. In the fight against terrorism, dealing
with biowar and in crisis management operations majority
of the tasks are civilian.
NATO's partnership and co-operation arrangements are
not only about increasing the capability and interoperability
of the armed forces. It also has far reaching political
consequences that sometimes might be underestimated. The
long-term political evolution is the ongoing transformation,
taking place in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe
to adopt new structures, practises and culture in civil-military
relations. A democratically controlled military is an
essential element of any democracy.
I have been an adamant supporter of the Partnership
programme since its beginning. The desire of new countries
to join NATO or the PFP programme demonstrates the relevance
of the Alliance and its partnership. NATO's continuing
eastward enlargement means a major change for the partnership
and co-operation arrangements. When several active PfP
countries will become full members in NATO, we have to
make sure that the partnership preserves its relevance
and added value for the remaining and new partner countries.
I believe that that there is a number of important issues
to tackle for which the EAPC and PfP are the most suitable
frameworks.
First, we want to see a stable, democratic and prosperous
Russia that is truly integrated in global and European
cooperative structures. As I noted earlier, in the aftermath
of the terrorist attacks there has opened a new window
of opportunity to move forward the NATO - Russia relationship.
President Putin's visit on 3 October to Brussels marks
a new milestone on the road to a more confident and mature
partnership. I am looking forward to the re-invigoration
of the dialogue between NATO and Russia. Moreover, I hope
that Russia will fully engage in PfP since it offers the
possibility of developing practical cooperation between
NATO and the Federation.
Second, I believe that a central added value of NATO's
partnership and co-operation arrangements in the future
will be the co-operation with and support for the Balkan
countries. Croatia, Macedonia and Albania are already
members of the Partnership for Peace. The PfP membership
of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia is anticipated in
the near future. Furthermore NATO has been training and
upgrading the military in Bosnia and Herzegovina. NATO's
long-term effort to partner with militaries in the region
is a vital part of regional stability. The reform of the
security sector in these countries is a key priority in
order to have armed forces firmly under civilian control.
PfP will help the governments in their efforts to professionalise
militaries and make them interoperable with NATO forces.
Improved efficiency will help bringing troop strengths
down. The early entrance of the FRY and Bosnia into the
PfP would enhance and complement the efforts of other
international organisations in the region.
Third, we should make better use of the political instruments
that the NATO has available. The EAPC provides a very
useful forum for high-level political consultation and
dialogue between Partners and Allies on issues related
to terrorism. In the wake of the terrorist attack in the
United States, I see even greater possibilities for cooperation
in the EAPC. It enables the mobilisation of a long-term
coalition and co-operation in practical questions such
as effective border control. The Central Asian partner
countries have an important yet difficult geographical
position in the new strategic environment. We must be
able to support their efforts and help them to deal with
potentially increasing pressures on their borders.
I think none of us here today really understands the
complexity of the challenge we face. The only certainty
is that the vulnerabilities are legion, and protection
against the full repertoire of potential terrorist assaults
is unattainable. That means that improved intelligence
to detect malicious intent and sharing intelligence and
other information among relevant civilian and military
organisations are vital. Immediate priorities should include
targeting drug trafficking and money laundering in order
to limit the sources of financing for terrorist groups.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
The global as well as the European security systems are
under a change. It remains to be seen how far-reaching
and lasting impact the events of last September in New
York and Washington will have in the world politics. However,
the new reality should not turn our societies into closed
national bastions. The biggest challenge for all countries
is that we keep our societies open to cultural and religious
diversity and use them as building blocks of the democratic
society.
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