Speech
by
NATO Secretary General, Lord Robertson
Conference on Security Policy
Ministers,
Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,
I am very pleased to be here, at
the head of a very distinguished panel.
It is a particularly good time for
us to have this discussion, for two
important reasons.
First, because we have a new US
Administration settling in, with fresh
energy and ideas and a strong commitment
to NATO. This meeting provides an
early opportunity to compare notes
and to begin to shape the trans-Atlantic
agenda for the coming years. I am
grateful to Don Rumsfeld for making
time to come to this meeting, despite
the major tasks he faces in putting
his new staff in place and shaping
the security policies of the new Administration.
And the second reason is that, on
a surprisingly large number of issues
on our agenda, we are at the very
edge of some major changes that will
challenge - but, I believe, ultimately
strengthen - the trans-Atlantic relationship,
and contribute to security and stability
in the Euro-Atlantic area. I passionately
believe that the trans-Atlantic relationship
remains the very heart of everything
we do in ensuring the safety of our
people and promoting their well-being
in democratic societies and in free
economies.
We are going to see many changes
in the coming year. In the building
of stronger European defence capabilities
and establishing practical and robust
ties between NATO and the European
Union. In new political prospects
for long-term peace and democracy
in the Balkans. In facing the challenges
posed by the proliferation of weapons
of mass destruction. And in addressing
the future enlargement of both NATO
and the European Union. It is a heavy
agenda, and it is all linked. Yet
if believe if we manage it right,
we will have the ingredients for a
better and safer world.
Henry Kissinger has warned us that
he believes Europe and the United
States have moved in different directions,
and that they must recover their sense
of common destiny. As someone who
straddles the Atlantic, I can tell
you that if Europe and America were
moving apart, no one would feel the
pain more acutely than I would.
I simply do not believe the drift
has been as great as some might say.
The trans-Atlantic relationship is
still very deep, solid, valuable and
irreplaceable. But Henry Kissinger
is right when he says that Europe
and North America share a common destiny,
and thus continue to face the imperative
of forging common security objectives.
These policies must be based on our
core interests and values, and a fairer
balance of responsibilities for Europe
and North America. Americans and Europeans
alike have made the point that the
imbalance we have right now in trans-Atlantic
relations - the imbalance we saw in
the air war over Kosovo - is not fair
or right, and certainly not sustainable.
Many Americans want Europe to do
more, freeing the United States to
face broader, global challenges. Many
Europeans themselves want to make
a greater contribution, and thus have
a correspondingly greater role in
matters that affect their own security.
And a more capable Europe can be a
better Partner to the United States
in its global responsibilities.
So Americans and Europeans agree
on the direction of change that is
needed in trans-Atlantic relations.
And that is a large part of the impetus
behind the current European defence
project. In the modern security neighbourhood,
to have only two options - NATO or
nothing - is just asking for trouble.
A European defence role can help fill
this vacuum.
The main difference between the current
European defence effort and those
that went before it is that the current
project links European ambitions with
both capability targets and NATO know-how
and back-up. This is a realistic and
a winning combination, but the key
is achieving the capability targets.
And for the doubters, let me say
that we are beyond the stage of mere
wishful thinking. We have already
turned the corner in stopping the
cuts in most European defence budgets
and some are at last rising. We have
achieved more in the last 12 months
on the mechanisms for building European
defence than we achieved in the preceding
12 years. Clearly we have much more
to do, but given the common objectives
of Europe and America, the building
of a stronger European defence role,
with a better balanced NATO, is a
success in the making.
One of the areas where both America
and Europe are putting into practice
a new sharing of roles is in the collective
NATO missions in the Balkans. The
United States maintains only 15 percent
of the total peacekeeping force commitment
in the Balkans - a far cry from the
preponderance one might expect. Force
levels in Bosnia and Herzegovina are
now one-third of their 1995 level,
and we constantly review whether further
force restructuring and whether reductions
can take place without diminishing
our military effectiveness.
But as we look as at our future commitments,
let us not lose sight of the fact
that NATO's engagement in the Balkans
has been an enormous success. Instead
of fighting, communities are rebuilding.
And who would deny that Milosevic
would still be in power had it not
been for concerted NATO action in
Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo?
Southeast Europe is changing - and
far faster than most people expected
it would. I found myself just three
weeks ago welcoming the Foreign Minister
of Yugoslavia to NATO Headquarters.
Democracy is becoming stronger in
Serbia, and Serbia and Montenegro
will soon find a new basis for their
relationship. Together with the striking
changes in Croatia last year, these
developments mean that the ice that
has kept hostility frozen in place
in the Balkans - in Bosnia-Herzegovina,
in Serb-Croat relations, even in Kosovo
- has finally begun to thaw.
Yet we must remember that the success
we have had to date rests mainly on
the solidarity of the Allies. We all
went in together, and we must all
succeed together. There is no other
way.
And this goes beyond just the NATO
nations. The Balkans have also been
a successful proving ground for another
significant partnership - that of
NATO and Russia. The highly successful
cooperation with Russia on the ground
in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo
is a practical manifestation of what
Russia and the west can do by working
together.
In two weeks, I will go to Moscow
to open the NATO Information Office
in Moscow - my second visit to Russia
in just over a year. We already have
a solid foundation of cooperation
in peacekeeping in the Balkans. And
we are exploring other areas such
as search and rescue at sea, civil
emergency planning, and what I hope
will be the establishment of a Military
Liaison Mission in the not too distant
future. Although we have a long way
to go, I am optimistic that NATO and
Russia are finally exploiting the
potential to be real partners in security.
The trans-Atlantic community must
also remain united in addressing the
challenges posed by the proliferation
of weapons of mass destruction. We
heard from Don Rumsfeld about the
U.S. commitment to addressing missile
threats. The United States has made
clear it intends to develop a missile
defence system to address these threats.
We have to take the sincerity and
commitment of the United States seriously.
But we must also recognise that the
U.S. is not alone in seeking to deal
with the threats posed by missile
proliferation. NATO is already engaged
in a large-scale examination of extended
air defence and theatre missile defence.
And Russia has made its own proposals
about developing a cooperative European
theatre missile defence system.
We all know there is a security problem
out there. The world has changed substantially
since the early 1970's. So we must
get on with addressing this problem
with maturity and realism. That is
why I welcome the U.S. commitment
to putting this issue on the agenda,
and to consulting closely with its
Allies on how best to find a common
response.
Finally, let me say that we must recognise
that the trans-Atlantic community,
as strong and effective as it is,
remains a work in progress. From its
very beginning, the trans-Atlantic
relationship has been about building
a Europe that is secure, free, prosperous,
and undivided. This vision is not
complete, however, unless all of Europe,
including Russia, is part of the picture.
It is no secret that Russia worries
about future NATO enlargement. But
let me say that the NATO enlargement
process is not about encircling or
excluding Russia. On the contrary,
it is about fulfilling the promise
of building a stable, secure, democratic
Europe - something that benefits all
its inhabitants and all its neighbours.
Such a stable democratic Europe is
the best neighbour Russia could hope
for - as the most recent round of
NATO enlargement demonstrated. Indeed
Russia itself may someday decide that
it, too, wishes to be a full part
of this family, and NATO has never
said "no" to that possibility.
Nadezhda Mihaylova will speak later
about the aspirations of the Vilnius
Group of states. But what is significant
about that group of nations is not
just their desire to join NATO, but
their commitment to working together
and to make their own contribution
to building a democratic and secure
Euro-Atlantic community. These nations
share our vision and values, and are
themselves part of our common destiny.
Many of you want me to speak about
who will join NATO and when. I won't
- and can't. But I will say that all
the nations who currently say they
want to join NATO have a lot of work
to do. Restructuring and modernising
defence establishments is hard but
essential work. First and foremost,
it is necessary for each nation's
own national benefit. As the Boiko
Noev told us here last year, Cold
War forces are a waste of money. Performance
in defence reform, together with a
vibrant democracy and market economy,
are all critical pre-conditions to
being considered seriously for NATO
membership. It is a tough message,
but I'd rather be tough in 2001 than
apologetic in 2002.
As I said at the beginning, this
is a heavy trans-Atlantic agenda.
But it is a positive agenda, and I
am confident that as we work through
it, our sense of common destiny, and
our commitment to our common security
through NATO, will come out even stronger.
Thank You.
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