"Caucasus
Today : Perspectives of Regional Cooperation
and Partnership with NATO"
Speech
by the Rt.Hon. Lord Robertson,
Secretary General of NATO
Ladies and Gentlemen,
It is a great pleasure to be here. I have
often heard of Georgia's wonderful reputation,
for its thermal springs, its excellent wines,
and its legendary hospitality. I am very pleased
to be able to confirm for myself that these
treasures are indeed worthy of their reputation.
And I am not at all surprised that Jason and
the Argonauts found the Golden Fleece here in
Georgia!
Georgia's international reputation is growing
in another area as well: as a newly independent
country that is making a serious and successful
transition into a modern European state. The
reforms that this country has undergone -- sometimes
painfully, but always with determination --
are paying off. Georgia's economy is recovering.
Investment is increasing. And your democratic
credentials are admirable. Elections are run
fairly, people come out to vote in significant
numbers, and the press is free and lively.
Much of this success is due to the leadership
of President Shevardnadze, who retains the respect
and affection of the international community.
I congratulate him, and all the Georgian people,
on the progress you have made until now in building
a more democratic, more prosperous and more
stable country.
Georgia's success in building for the future
is a key test for broader European security.
Why? Because we realise, that our security is
inseparably linked with that of other countries.
We believe that security is only possible, if,
within Europe and its surrounding area, there
is stability and a commitment to solve problems
together. In short: the more secure our neighbours
are, the more secure we are.
That is why co-operation and dialogue between
states and institutions have become central
planks of European security. Co-operation is
no longer just a peripheral activity; in the
21st Century, it is the foundation of a sound
foreign policy. Security is something no single
nation can provide completely on its own. Only
co-operation - both regional and international
- offers the possibility to create the kind
of long-term security and stability any nation
seeks. Only nations that remain outward-looking,
that connect to the wider world, will prosper.
Georgia has clearly understood this lesson
-- and your approach has been exemplary. Georgia
has been a member of the OSCE since 1992. In
1999 it became a member of the Council of Europe.
And it has signed a Partnership and Co-operation
Agreement with the European Union.
NATO, too, believes fundamentally in the importance
of cooperation when it comes to security. The
peacekeeping operations in the Balkans stand
as vivid testimony.
As you all know, in Bosnia and in Kosovo there
are currently two major peacekeeping operations,
involving almost 70,000 troops. The core of
these troops is provided by NATO member states.
But there are many more nations who participate.
Indeed, troops from Europe, North America, Africa,
Latin America and even Asia are operating under
the same command -- including, of course, the
Georgian infantry platoon. Slowly but surely
this unique international coalition is pushing
the Balkans towards a sustainable peace.
Indeed, nothing illustrates better the fundamentally
changed nature of European security than this
coalition. Countries which were once adversaries
are now natural partners. For the first time
in modern history, European countries can ensure
peace and security with each other, rather than
against each other. For the first time there
is a genuine common interest in working together
to find solutions to shared problems.
The fact that NATO and non-NATO countries
are co-operating so closely and so frequently
also reflects the fundamentally changed nature
of NATO itself. It is no exaggeration to say
that since the end of the East-West confrontation
NATO has changed beyond recognition.
Instead of being focused on a single mission
-- collective defence against an adversary --
NATO has turned into a motor of Euro-Atlantic
security co-operation and a catalyst for political
change. It has adopted a new approach to security
based on the principle of co-operation with
non-member countries and other institutions.
And the benefits of what NATO does extend throughout
the Euro-Atlantic area, including the Caucasus.
The Partnership for Peace programme, launched
six years ago, is the main framework through
which the Alliance promotes cooperation. In
essence, it is a programme of bilateral military
co-operation between the Alliance and individual
non-NATO nations. Behind this initiative was
the desire of Allies to share their experience
and expertise with the countries to NATO's East.
After the break-up of the Soviet Union, many
of these countries were establishing, some of
them for the first time, national security policies
and defence ministries. We did not want to impose
our views on anyone. But we believed that these
countries could usefully draw on the wide experience
of NATO members. That way, we could help these
countries during a critical phase in their transition.
Because it was in our very own security interest
to see this transition succeed. Again, the more
secure our neighbours are, the more secure we
are.
Now, more than 6 years after the start of
PfP, the number of Partners has grown to 26,
involving countries coming from all points of
the compass and from a range of security traditions.
It is thus no exaggeration to say that the Partnership
between the 19 NATO-members and the 26 Partners
provides the most intensive programme of military-to-military
co-operation ever conceived.
This programme has provided added momentum
to the reform processes of many Partner nations,
particularly concerning practical questions
of how to organise and control military forces
in democratic societies. And it has led to a
degree of technical and conceptual interoperability
among our forces that is unprecedented. In short,
PfP has marked the beginning of a new security
culture throughout Eurasia - a culture based
on practical security co-operation.
As PfP has evolved, so the opportunities for
Partners to have a say in this programme has
constantly increased.
In the early days of PfP, for example, NATO
would essentially offer its Partners a menu
of activities, which they could choose from.
Today, Partners are much more self-confident
and eager to shape the programme together with
Allies. The Partners contribute to the establishment
of the Partnership Work Programme. In other
words, they have understood that it is they
who decide how far and how deep co-operation
should go, and that, therefore, it is they who
bear a certain responsibility for the future
of these ndeavours. That is why they have remained
so interested - and so active.
Georgia joined PfP in 1994 and since then
has become one of its most active members. Our
common activities focus on Civil Emergency Planning,
civil-military relations, Defence Policy and
Strategy, and defence reform. And there is potential
for an even more fruitful partnership.
On a political level, NATO's co-operation with
Partners finds its expression in the Euro-Atlantic
Partnership Council (EAPC). EAPC provides a
platform for Allies and Partners to discuss
issues of common concern. It is also the political
"roof" of Partnership for Peace.
The EAPC agenda covers a wide range of issues,
such as regional security, energy security,
and civil emergency planning. Georgia seized
the opportunities offered by the EAPC, and has
become one of the most active participants.
Indeed, the first ever EAPC regional security
co-operation event was held in Georgia.
Over the years, Georgia has hosted a significant
number of EAPC activities. For example, an important
seminar on Regional Security Cooperation in
the Caucasus took place in Gudauri in October
1998 and an EAPC Seminar on defence budgeting
was held here just a few months ago. The number
of activities Georgia has initiated or offered
to host in 2001 is equally impressive.
These conferences are very good examples of
the EAPC potential to contribute to dialogue,
and to help promote the conditions necessary
for regional stability. Of course, NATO cannot
and does not claim a lead role in facilitating
the peace processes in this region. That responsibility
rests first and foremost with the parties of
the region, who must find a way to agree on
a peaceful way forward.
And of course, the OSCE and the United Nations
play a vital role, as does the GUUAM. Through
PfP and EAPC, NATO stands ready to support these
efforts. The Alliance firmly believes that this
region deserves peace and stability -- and the
economic investment and prosperity that go with
it.
It is also a reality that there will be no
comprehensive settlement of the disputes in
the region without the participation of the
region's major powers -- including, of course
Russia. The Georgian relationship with Russia
is, obviously, a vital one.
NATO considers it a positive step that the
withdrawal of Russian military equipment from
Georgia is underway and hopes that it will be
completed, as was foreseen in the agreement
reached at the Istanbul OSCE Summit. This is
a sign that we can achieve progress; and that
issues can be resolved through negotiation.
This same principle underpins NATO's relationship
with Russia. Our disagreements during the Kosovo
crisis made it obvious that the NATO-Russia
relationship is still burdened by Cold War stereotypes.
But we are getting beyond them, because we know
that in the long run we will not be able to
achieve increased security in Europe or the
Caucasus without Russia, let alone against it.
Russia, in turn, knows that co-operation with
NATO is essential if this large country is to
successfully manage its challenging political
and economic transition. Let us not forget:
for several years now, NATO and Russian troops
are working side-by-side on the ground in the
Balkans. This shows that NATO and Russia can
work together where it counts -- and that they
simply cannot afford to ignore each other.
It is this logic of inclusion and co-operation
that also characterises the other co-operative
ties NATO has developed over the past decade:
the distinct NATO-Ukraine relationship, for
example, or the Dialogue with countries of the
Southern Mediterranean. The specifics of our
co-operation may differ in each case, but the
rationale for our co-operation is always the
same: the more secure our neighbours are, the
more secure we are.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Let me conclude. What I have tried to convey
to you in my short remarks today is a sense
of the importance we attach to the logic of
partnership. I wanted to convey to you how pleased
we are to see co-operation develop here, in
the Caucasus, just as it has developed successfully
in Europe. The relationship of the Republic
of Georgia with NATO is dynamic, evolving --
and rewarding, for both NATO and Georgia.
Of course, the countries of the Caucasus have
their own specifics, and their own dynamics.
NATO does not have the solution to all the problems
here, nor elsewhere. But policies of co-operation
will strengthen security for us all. We have
a unique chance to turn Europe into a region
of co-operation and stability, in which every
country has its say, and none considers itself
threatened. NATO is determined to work with
Georgia, and all the countries of the region,
to make this ambitious goal a reality.
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