BRDO Castle, Slovenia 11 May 2000

"NATO in Southeast Europe in the 21st Century" Secretary General's Speech at the Joint Wilton Park/Atlantic Council Conference Ladies and Gentlemen, Good morning. It is a great pleasure to be here with you this morning. The subject of this conference is particularly relevant. As we enter the 21st Century, the futures of NATO, the European Union and of South-Eastern Europe are intimately linked, and I am very pleased that Wilton Park and the Atlantic Council of Slovenia have had the wisdom to bring us all together to discuss these issues. Slovenia is a very fitting place to have this conference. This country is a candidate for accession to both NATO and the European Union. Slovenia's political and economic success over the past decade stands as a clear example for the countries of South Eastern Europe that courageous decisions can pay off; that hard work can bring results; and that the vision of becoming fully part of Europe can become a reality. These same three elements: courageous decisions, hard work, and a vision of European integration -- lie at the heart of NATO's approach to this region. NATO's vision of South Eastern Europe is very simple. It is a vision of a region that shares what NATO countries take for granted: peace and trust between neighbouring states; the highest standards of human rights, freedom and democracy; economic cooperation; and deepening integration. It is this vision that has guided the Alliance in all of its activities in the Balkans and in the whole region. The first example of this was in the early 1990s, when NATO intervened to help bring the Bosnian war to an end. That conflict violated our vision of Europe in every way. The conflict shattered the peace that Europe had preserved for almost 50 years. It caused enormous human suffering, and violated the most basic standards of human rights. It introduced the vile term "ethnic cleansing" into the world's vocabulary. It ran directly counter to the overall process of integration going on in Europe. The conflict in Bosnia embodied the darkest elements of this past century: division, exclusion and expulsion. For all those reasons, NATO took action -- first to help end the war, and then to build the peace. This was a difficult decision to take, it was the first time NATO fired a shot in anger, after almost 50 years of existence. But the results bear witness to the wisdom of that courageous decision. Today, just five years after the NATO-led force deployed into Bosnia, that country is well on the path to recovery. Multi-ethnic institutions have been created to run the country. More and more moderates are being elected. There is a single currency, a single vehicle licence plate, a single telephone area code. Over 25 indicted war criminals are facing trial in The Hague. And there is even a multi-ethnic Bosnian Olympic team training together for the Sydney Olympics. Of course, there is still much work to be done. All those indicted for war crimes must face trial. The different ethnic groups in Bosnia must work better together, for example by creating one single multi-ethnic army, instead of three separate ones. Corruption must be weeded out. Bosnia must learn to stand on its own feet, and conduct itself as a modern European country. But as we enter the 21st century, real progress is being made in the right direction. This success vindicates NATO's decision to take action in Bosnia -- but there was one major flaw in that decision. It came too late. It came after years of violence, years of failed diplomacy, years of grotesque human rights violations on a scale Europe had not seen for five decades. One of the very clear lessons of the Bosnian conflict is that ignoring a crisis, or taking half-hearted measures, doesn't make it go away. Unless action is taken to stop it, a crisis can only get worse, cause more instability, and create more suffering. The international community learned that lesson -- and NATO applied it in Kosovo. By March of 1999, Serb oppression had driven almost 400,000 people from their homes. The United Nations Security Council had stated clearly and repeatedly that there was a clear threat to peace and security. The UN High Commission for Refugees warned that a humanitarian emergency was impending, and that some kind of response was required. Let us not forget how very serious was this humanitarian crisis. It was also a very real political crisis --not only for Kosovo, but for the entire region. Just imagine the implications of not taking action against Milosevic and his thugs. All of South-East Europe would have been seriously destabilised for a generation. One million refugees would have been stranded in neighbouring countries; conflict would have simmered, and undoubtedly spread across borders; and the entire region and beyond would have suffered economically and politically. The situation in Kosovo had a direct influence on our security interests that we could not ignore. It also had real implications for our values. If we had allowed this ethnic cleansing to go unanswered, we would have fatally undermined the Euro-Atlantic community we are building for the 21st century. After decades of working towards ethnic tolerance in our own countries, could we have stood aside and allowed over a million people to be terrorised and expelled from their country, for no other reason than their ethnic origin? For all these reasons, when the diplomacy had run its course, NATO decided to take action. This time, we did not wait until it was too late. This time, we made the right decision, at the right time. And this was by no means NATO acting alone. Nearly the entire family of European and North American nations united in the quest to stop the violence and reverse ethnic cleansing. We saw a family of nations that not only talked about common values, but defended these values. In short, we saw a Euro-Atlantic community that is growing up and growing together. And let me say for the record: through its actions during the Kosovo crisis, Slovenia demonstrated clearly that is it part of this new Europe. Your strong support for the Alliance was significant in the region - and it did not go unnoticed in NATO capitals, I assure you. NATO was able to prevail because it could count on the active and unflinching support of its Partner countries, Slovenia among them. I salute and thank Slovenia for its support -- and for its courage. This was more than help in an emergency. It was a resounding vindication of a concept of the Euro-Atlantic area as an zone of shared values -- a sign that Europe is truly becoming a common security space, united and working together to be at peace with itself. Much of the credit for Slovenia's positive role during the crisis can, I believe, be rightly attributed to many of the people here in this room, and to the Slovenian Atlantic Treaty Association, the joint organisers of this conference. You took on the important, often difficult job of explaining to your public and media why this operation was so important. You helped the people of Slovenia understand that NATO's actions were upholding the beliefs that we all, increasingly, share: peace, democracy and fundamental human rights. For that contribution, I say thank you. In any democracy, public support is crucial for success. And by playing the role that you did -- as a vital bridge of understanding between the people, the Government and the wider international community -- you were, an important part of our collective success. And again, the results vindicate our collective decision to act. Indeed, despite some massive hurdles, there has been amazing progress since KFOR deployed into Kosovo barely 10 months ago. More than 850,000 refugees have returned from abroad, and over 50,000 homes have been rebuilt at a furious pace by the international community and by ordinary citizens. The World Food Program is giving aid to 650,000 Kosovars and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and other agencies have provided shelter kits to some 400,000 people. Not a single person died of cold or hunger in Kosovo last winter. About 550 schools have been cleared of mines and unexploded ammunition, and 300,000 children went back to school last autumn, to be taught in their own language for the first time in ten years. And that is not all. The Kosovo Liberation Army has been disbanded and demilitarised by KFOR, and it has handed over more than 10,000 weapons. And civilian organisations are being created to begin to govern a truly multiethnic Kosovo. Are there still problems? Of course. But the trend is positive, and no one should doubt that things are infinitely better than they would have been had the international community ignored the problem until it was too late. This victory -- of engagement over indifference, of peace over violence -- is also guiding our larger vision for the future of South-Eastern Europe. A future in which the Balkans cease to be a source of instability and conflict; a future in which the whole region of South-East Europe enjoys stability, peace and prosperity. A future in which even Serbia embraces the values shared across the Euro-Atlantic area - democracy, respect for human rights - and rejoins the European family. What does this mean? It means that Balkans should no longer be seen as isolated from the rest of Europe. Instead, we have to look at the region as a whole, and help the entire region share what some of its countries, and most of Europe, already take for granted -- peace, prosperity, and increasing integration. Of course, NATO is not doing this alone. The European Union and the OSCE play leading parts. The Stability Pact will play a major role in the investment by the entire international community to build lasting, self-sustaining peace and prosperity through cooperation. NATO is working closely in tandem with the Stability Pact, and its co-ordinator, Bodo Hombach, will be the guest speaker at this month's meeting of Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council foreign ministers. I am very pleased at the proactive role Slovenia has played within the Stability Pact. Your leading role in the demining project in Bosnia not only addresses an immediate security challenge -- it also lays the groundwork for Bosnia to shed the deadly legacy of war, and continue its development towards normality. NATO's efforts in the region follow the same logic -- promoting self-sustaining peace by encouraging and supporting regional cooperation. At last year's Washington Summit, NATO created a consultative forum on security matters on South Eastern Europe. We are also building on the existing mechanisms of the Partnership for Peace and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council to give substance to our promise of assistance to Partners in the region. We are setting up security co-operation programmes for the countries in the region, and giving our PfP activities and exercises a stronger regional focus. Can all these new plans really deliver? Can they really make a difference? My answer is clear: They can. They can, provided that all nations and institutions involved in this effort give their best. And provided that the countries of South-Eastern Europe themselves demonstrate leadership in this historic project. Indeed, the success of these three projects -- Bosnia, Kosovo and the South East Europe Initiative -- depends on close cooperation between NATO and countries in the region. That ongoing cooperation is not only testimony to our shared values, but to the cooperative approach to European security -- an approach epitomised in the two major mechanisms NATO has built with its Partners over the last decade: The Partnership for Peace and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council. In Partnership for Peace, 25 nations (and 26 by the end of May), from Ireland to Sweden, and from Slovenia to Romania, are engaging with the 19 NATO nations in military cooperation: on defence planning, on joint peace support, on humanitarian operations, and on civil emergency planning. In the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council, the same nations consult and cooperate on the political level: on regional security in the Balkans, on defence conversion, on establishing sound civil-military relations. The contribution of Partner countries in SFOR and KFOR is the clearest sign that this Partnership has paid off. It is no exaggeration to say that our operations in Bosnia and Kosovo could never have succeeded without Partner involvement. This is a precious achievement -- one that we must preserve. That is why we are determined to make PfP and EAPC even more operational. The role of Partners in the preparation and conduct of joint operations will increase. Defence planning targets will become even more ambitious. The range of our consultations will become broader. And we will also make sure that the political voice of Partners will be heard loud and clear. Slovenia is fully involved in the Partnership. Your country has developed solid and realistic cooperation programmes with NATO, and they are already paying dividends, by promoting better defence planning, staff officer training and interoperability. NATO is also making another long-term investment in European stability -- through our ongoing enlargement process. Your country is a very serious membership aspirant. Indeed, you were one of the first to declare publicly your wish to join the Alliance. Through our Membership Action Plan, NATO is giving advice, assistance and practical support to Slovenia and to other countries aspiring to membership. The relationship between Allies and membership aspirants will become more "interactive", and we will work energetically with them to help you come closer to the Alliance. A stronger relationship between NATO and Slovenia is good for you, good for us and good for European security. But let me be clear: ultimately, the responsibility of thorough preparation for membership remains with the aspirant countries themselves. They must be ready to make the reforms which are needed. They must tackle the crucial issues, such as defence reform, without delay. They must not shy away from taking tough and painful decisions, and they must allocate sufficient resources to their reforms. Fine words are not enough. They must be backed by action. Then, and only then, can aspirant countries self-confidently step forward and say "we are ready for membership". Then, and only then, will new members make NATO stronger. I have no doubt that the aspirant nations know what is at stake. And I have no doubt that they will deliver. In the context of the MAP, Slovenia has already developed a significant programme for the restructuring of its armed forces. It is a resounding demonstration of Slovenia's willingness to stay on the course it has charted for itself. Ladies and Gentlemen, Today, the image of South-Eastern Europe is getting better by the day. Most of the countries of the region are working hard for change. They are forging cooperation with their neighbours. They are working to develop better conditions for ethnic minorities in their countries. They are building security through trust and cooperation, rather than on mutual suspicion and competition. This is the quickest route to prosperity and security. It is how the word "Balkans" will be consigned to history, to be permanently replaced by the more accurate and inclusive term: "South East Europe". And I believe that Slovenia will continue to serve as an example for the region -- as a truly democratic and prosperous country, integrating ever-more closely with European institutions. A country that is part of the solution, not of the problem. Thank you.