Speech
by
Secretary General
at the Bulgarian National Assembly
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Let me, first of all, thank the Parliament of Bulgaria for this invitation.
My visit here today is another indication that the ties between Bulgaria
and NATO have never been stronger. Last year, these ties were put to a
crucial test. Both Bulgaria and NATO passed it with flying colours.
Indeed, last year, 1999, was a crucial test for all of Europe. We saw
some of the most terrible acts of barbarity since 1945. We saw deportation
trains rolling, we saw people being killed, families torn apart, hundreds
of thousands of refugees fighting against cold and starvation. We saw
things we thought had been banished from this continent more than 50 years
ago -- things we believed we would never have to see in our lifetime.
Europe, it seemed, had relapsed into its darkest days.
But amidst all that tragedy, we also witnessed something else. We saw
that Europe can say: "enough". We saw that Europe can stand
up against barbarity. We saw the entire family of European nations unite
in the quest to stop the violence and reverse ethnic cleansing. We saw
a Europe that not only talked about common values, but defended these
values. In short, we saw a Europe that is growing together.
The united reaction of Europe to the Kosovo tragedy was more than an
isolated event. Standing up to ethnic cleansing marked the true end of
the 20th century as a century of war, of excessive nationalism, of ethnic
hatred. We witnessed a new beginning for Europe -- the beginning of the
Europe of the 21st century, united and working together to be at peace
with itself.
Clearly, there is still much work to be done to make this vision a reality.
Our continent still suffers from old divisions. There is still a division
between a prosperous Western Europe and a less prosperous East. There
is still a division between democratic ideals and real-life obstacles.
There is still a division between our aspirations of a peaceful Europe
and the harsh reality of conflict. These divisions will not be erased
overnight. But if we have a compass, if we have a sense of direction,
this journey will ultimately lead to its destination.
Kosovo demonstrated that we do have such a compass: our values. And,
more than that, we also have the instruments to promote and defend these
values. This is cause for real hope, as we enter this new century.
But that hope must be tempered with realism -- because promoting our
common values requires very hard work, patience and vision. Kosovo makes
this challenge crystal clear. The challenges we face in Kosovo are, in
a word, enormous. As Bernard Kouchner has aptly put it, Kosovo suffered
forty years of communism, ten years of apartheid, and then over one year
of brutal murder and ethnic cleansing.
Given this history, no one should harbour any illusions that reconciliation
between ethnic groups could be achieved within a few years. The key is
that we stay the course. Bosnia shows the potential of patient engagement.
That country has made real progress since NATO deployed in 1995, and it
continues to improve. There is no law of nature that would prevent us
from achieving similar progress in Kosovo.
Indeed, we have already seen real progress in just the few short months
since the NATO-led peacekeeping force entered Kosovo. More than 850,000
refugees have returned from abroad, and over 50,000 homes have been rebuilt
at a furious pace by the international community and by ordinary citizens.
The World Food Programme is giving aid to 650,000 Kosovars and the United
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and other agencies have provided
shelter kits to some 400,000 people. About 550 schools have cleared of
mines and unexploded ammunition, and 300,000 children went back to school
last autumn, to be taught in their own language for the first time in
ten years.
And that is not all. The Kosovo Liberation Army has been disbanded and
demilitarised by KFOR, and it has handed over more than 10,000 weapons.
And civilian organisations are being created to begin to govern a truly
multi-ethnic Kosovo.
Yes, there is still too much violence, still too much hatred, and still
too much revenge. But we are determined to change this. We are determined
to create the basis for a self-sustaining peace there -- just as we are
doing in Bosnia. The people in this war-torn region deserve another chance,
and we will give it them.
When I say "we" will give it to them, I do not mean just NATO.
This is a team effort, including the 19 NATO Allies and 15 other nations
from within and outside Europe. Bulgaria is one of those important Partners.
With two platoons in Bosnia, and an engineer platoon in KFOR, your country
is making a significant contribution to the stability of the region.
We appreciate this contribution. It is another sign of a united Europe
at work. At the beginning of the 20th century, the "Balkan powderkeg"
was setting Europe on fire. Today, at the start of the 21st, the nations
of the Euro-Atlantic community are acting together -- on the side of peace.
Ultimately, of course, we need to look beyond Bosnia and Kosovo. We need
to look at South-Eastern Europe in its entirety. We need to look beyond
military issues alone, and focus on a comprehensive political and economic
approach. Now that we have brought peace to Bosnia and Kosovo -- the time
has come to create prosperity for all of South Eastern Europe. Now is
the time to bring all nations of this region back into the European mainstream
-- where they all belong.
We have made a promising start. The EU's Stability Pact and NATO's Southeast
European Initiative are working in tandem to create the basis for economic
progress and security. The two go together. That was the logic that underpinned
the Marshall Plan and NATO back in the late 1940s. The same logic should
-- and will -- now be applied to South-Eastern Europe.
NATO is ready to lend its full support to these efforts. We will use
our new Consultative Forum on Security Issues on Southeast Europe, which
brings together Allies and seven countries of the region, to develop practical
cooperative initiatives. We are also working closely with our Partners
in the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council to develop additional practical
ideas for regional cooperation in Southeast Europe.
Can all these new plans really deliver? Can they really make a difference?
My answer is clear: They can. They can, provided that all nations and
institutions involved in this effort give their best. And provided that
the countries of South-Eastern Europe themselves demonstrate leadership
in this historic project.
Fortunately, this leadership is forthcoming. An excellent example is
the initiative to retrain military personnel made redundant through defence
reform. In a radically new approach Bulgaria will cooperate with the World
Bank and NATO in a pilot scheme in the framework of the Stability Pact.
This is a good example of practical cooperation. It is a good example
that there is both the creativity and the political will to get things
going.
Partnership
The success of these three projects -- Bosnia, Kosovo and the South East
Europe Initiative -- depends on close cooperation between NATO and countries
in the region, including, of course, Bulgaria. The success of that ongoing
cooperation is not only a resounding testimony to our shared values. It
is also a perfect vindication of the cooperative approach to European
security -- an approach epitomised in the two major mechanisms NATO has
built with its Partners over the last decade: The Partnership for Peace
and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council.
In Partnership for Peace, 25 nations, from Ireland to Sweden, and from
Bulgaria to Romania, are engaging with the 19 Allies in military cooperation:
on defence planning, on joint peace support, on humanitarian operations,
on civil emergency planning. In the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council,
the same nations consult and cooperate on the political level: on regional
security in the Balkans, on defence conversion, on establishing sound
civil-military relations.
The contribution of Partners in SFOR and KFOR is the clearest sign that
this Partnership has paid off. Indeed, it is no exaggeration to say that
our operations in Bosnia and Kosovo could never have succeeded without
Partner involvement. This is a precious achievement -- one that we must
preserve. And that is why we are determined to make PfP and EAPC even
more operational. The role of Partners in the preparation and conduct
of joint operations will increase. Defence planning targets will become
even more ambitious. The range of our consultations will become broader.
And we will also make sure that the political voice of Partners will be
heard loud and clear.
Bulgaria has been involved in the Partnership early on. It has participated
in many exercises. It actively participates in the Planning and Review
Process. But I want Bulgaria to go even further. Partnership for Peace
offers far more opportunities for cooperation than we are currently entertaining.
Partnership is a two-way street. Bulgaria will gain by increasing its
interoperability with NATO and by getting new impetus for its defence
reform. NATO, in turn, will gain by having an even stronger Partner to
help manage common security challenges together. Partnership is thus a
win-win proposition.
Enlargement
The same logic applies to another important part of NATO agenda -- enlargement.
As with Partnership, enlargement enhances the security of both NATO, and
the country joining the Alliance -- another win-win proposition.
This is why NATO has continued its commitment to the enlargement process.
The Alliance has always had its door open to new members, and last year,
three nations walked through it. Others will follow. That is why we launched
the Membership Action Plan (MAP). Under the Action Plan, aspiring members
submit individual annual national programmes on their preparations for
possible future membership. The programmes cover political, economic,
defence, resource, security and legal aspects. The plan entails a focused
and candid feedback mechanism on the progress being made.
This feedback includes both political and technical advice. A clearinghouse
is co-ordinating assistance by NATO and by member states to aspirant countries
in the defence and military field. Agreed planning targets for aspirants
are being elaborated and reviewed. And Allies will exchange information
on assistance programmes in order to focus on the right priorities and
avoid duplication. Our aim is to maximise the benefits for aspiring members.
Through the Membership Action Plan, NATO is assisting Partners in preparing
themselves for possible future NATO membership. But let me be clear: ultimately,
the responsibility of thorough preparation remains with the aspirant countries
themselves. They must be ready to make the reforms which are needed. They
must tackle the crucial issues, such as defence reform, without delay.
They must not shy away from taking tough and painful decisions, and they
must allocate sufficient resources to their reforms.
Fine words are not enough. They must be backed by deeds. Then, and only
then, can they self-confidently step forward and say "we are ready
for membership". Then, and only then, will new members make NATO
stronger.
Equally importantly, they must be backed by a consensus across party
lines. Defence reform is simply too important to be exposed to party politics.
Only the broad support across all major political parties allows a nation
to carry through the tough decisions required -- and to fund these decisions.
If you take away one message from me today, I want it to be this. In my
home country, where my party spent 18 years in opposition, we learned
as much: don't play politics with defence!
I have no doubt that the aspirant nations know what is at stake. And
I have no doubt that they will deliver. In the context of the MAP, Bulgaria
has already developed a substantial programme for the restructuring of
its armed forces. Together with last year's Military Doctrine, this programme
will create a sound basis for armed forces that will be fully in line
with the security requirements of today and tomorrow. This reform is a
resounding demonstration of Bulgaria's willingness to stay on the course
it has charted for itself. NATO is ready to assist Bulgaria in staying
on that course.
Bulgaria as Part of Europe
And let me make one point very clearly -- Bulgaria's actions during the
Kosovo crisis seriously enhanced your European credentials. NATO prevailed
because it could count on the active and unflinching support by its Partner
countries, Bulgaria among the foremost.
By lending your support to the international efforts, including granting
NATO access to Bulgarian airspace, you took considerable political risks
-- and you bore major economic sacrifices. And yet you did not waver.
And when the decision to participate in KFOR came up, you, the Parliament,
ratified this decision with an overwhelming majority.
I salute Bulgaria for its support -- and for its courage. Your support
was more than help in an emergency. It was a resounding vindication of
a concept of Europe as a zone of shared values -- a sign that Europe is
truly becoming a common security space.
Bulgaria's strong stance in the Kosovo crisis did not go unnoticed. If
anything, it has given further proof of your country's determination to
achieve its full integration into Europe. Today, Bulgaria's European vocation
is beyond doubt. It is reflected in Bulgaria's long-standing and valued
cooperation in the Partnership for Peace. It is reflected in the EU's
decision to invite Bulgaria for accession talks. It is reflected in Bulgaria's
active pursuit of regional cooperation, and in the establishment of good
relations with all of its neighbours. But it is also reflected in the
tireless efforts to muster the public support that is needed for a democratic
security policy.
In this respect, allow me to single out the Atlantic Club of Bulgaria.
For many years, this group has been among the most active of all Partner
countries in marshalling public support for the Alliance. They have done
the work of pioneers. And their work is paying off. Today, NATO-Bulgaria
relations are better than ever. And Bulgaria's road into European structures
and institutions is irreversible.
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
If I were to sum up my remarks today, I would simply say that as we enter
the 21st Century, Bulgaria has become fully part of the new Europe --
a Europe of shared values and ever-deeper interdependence. This means
that, as NATO and the European Union evolve, Bulgaria's links with these
institutions are bound to intensify even further. NATO understands, as
does the EU, that security today lies in cooperation and Partnership right
across Europe. Kosovo has made this crystal clear. And these principles
-- cooperation and Partnership in support of our common values -- will
guide us as we work together to build a continent united, free and secure.
Thank You.
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