Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Let
me start by saying how much I enjoy being here today. This is my first
visit as Secretary General of NATO. The fact that I came here after
just three months in office is a sign of the great value I personally
attach to the NATO-Ukraine relationship.
But I am not the only NATO official who takes advantage of Ukraine's
legendary hospitality. In just a few weeks' time, the North Atlantic
Council, NATO's highest political body, will also pay a visit to Ukraine.
Both visits symbolise the changes Europe has gone through since the
end of East-West confrontation. And both visits are meant to reinforce
a message that is very dear to us: NATO and Ukraine are Partners.
A self-confident, democratic Ukraine is of strategic benefit for the
whole of this continent. We share a common interest in making Ukraine
strong, stable, sovereign and secure.
But what exactly is security today? Clearly, the security of a state
is no longer measured simply by the strength of its armed forces.
More and more we come to realise that the internal situation can determine
the future of a country at least as significantly as outside developments.
Only if a nation achieves a balance between domestic stability and
external security can it really be labelled "secure". The
end of the Soviet Union provides us with a clear case in point: the
USSR was strong militarily, but its social fabric was weak. So was
it ever really secure?
More recently, Yugoslavia provided us with another infamous example.
I believe that it is fair to say that the Balkans would look much
different today if Belgrade had opted for serious political and economic
reforms ten years ago. If they had embraced democracy, ethnic tolerance
and human rights, Yugoslavia would not have ended up where it is now:
a fraction of its former size, a pariah state, poor, and basically
at war with itself. And neither NATO nor Ukrainian soldiers would
have to put their lives on the line, as they are doing today, in helping
the people of Kosovo to regain a life in decency and security.
In our time, more than ever, the survival of a modern country is
measured by how stable it is internally: how well its economy performs;
how firmly its democratic processes are entrenched and the rule of
law embedded, and by how well it handles delicate ethnic issues. And
it is measured by how well it manages to achieve good relations with
its neighbours. Of course, military strength remains an important
and necessary attribute of a state, but it can never be a substitute
for political and economic reform.
Ukraine has followed this logic consistently. When Ukraine gained
its independence, it set out on a major transformation. Ukraine embarked
on this venture from a position that was far from enviable. At times,
the challenges before you must have seemed insurmountable. And yet,
within a few years Ukraine has managed to emerge as a respected player
in the international arena. With its commitment to democratic and
economic reforms, with its enlightened policy on ethnic minorities,
and with good relations with all of its neighbours, Ukraine has demonstrated
the responsibility and foresight that befits a major European power.
Ukraine has consolidated itself as a viable state. And it has also
demonstrated that a policy of gradual integration into European structures
and good relations with Russia are not mutually exclusive.
Quite early on, Ukraine made a number of key decisions that foreclose
any return to the past. The decision to adhere to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation
Treaty as a non-nuclear weapons state is one. Resolving with Russia
the difficult issues of the Black Sea Fleet and the status of Sevastopol
is another. These decisions, as well as the bilateral treaties signed
with Romania and Poland, confirm Ukraine's determination to pursue
an active and cooperative approach to its security.
Clearly, neither the transition of Ukraine nor that of Europe as
a whole is complete. There is still a gap between a prosperous Western
Europe and a less prosperous East. There is still a gap between democratic
ideals and real-life obstacles. But if we have a compass, if we have
a sense of direction, if we share a common purpose, this journey will
ultimately lead to its destination.
Together, NATO and Ukraine can make progress none of us could achieve
alone. NATO can assist Ukraine in tackling some of its most challenging
reform projects. But NATO can also help provide the benign security
environment Ukraine needs to concentrate on its domestic reforms.
Because, as one of my predecessors used to say, security is the oxygen
of democracy.
Ukraine, in turn, can use her relationship with NATO to chart her
own distinct path into the new Europe. And it can use its relationship
with NATO to enhance her contribution to European security -- by enabling
us to tackle future challenges together.
These were the arguments that inspired NATO-Ukraine relations from
the moment Ukraine achieved her independence in 1991. They have led
us to Ukraine's participation in NATO's Partnership for Peace programme
and to the signing of the NATO-Ukraine Charter. Considering where
we started nine years ago, we have made tremendous headway.
Nowhere does this become more practical, more obvious than in the
Balkans; Ukrainian soldiers and soldiers from allied countries are
standing shoulder to shoulder in trying to guarantee a stable peace
for the people of that region.
I am, of course, fully aware that many here in Ukraine had their
share of doubts about what NATO was doing. Indeed, the decision to
use force against Belgrade has been the most controversial one in
NATO's history. We knew that NATO would be charged by some with taking
the law into its own hands. And we also knew that, especially in those
countries that regained their independence only recently, our decision
would raise concerns that NATO was undermining the established concept
of state sovereignty.
We knew about all that. And yet we felt we had no choice but to
act. After almost ten years of conflict in the Balkans, after almost
one decade of endless tragedy, we had to draw the line. We felt that
we had to send the unmistakable message: policies of ethnic cleansing
and mass deportation have no place in this Europe of the 21st Century.
We first exhausted all diplomatic avenues, including an attempt by
Ukraine to bring President Milosevic to his senses. But in the end,
we were left with no alternative but to act.
It was always clear that NATO's actions would constitute the exception
from the rule, not an attempt to write new rules. All Allies have
a vital interest in a predictable international order. They all cherish
their national sovereignty, just as your country does. But the specific
circumstances of the Kosovo crisis defied traditional categories.
Indeed, no one put it better than the Secretary General of the United
Nations, when he said that "no government has the right to hide
behind national sovereignty in order to violate the human rights or
fundamental freedom of its peoples."
I believe that, in hindsight, our decision was totally vindicated
by the course of events. Through NATO's actions, ethnic cleansing
was not only stopped, but indeed reversed. Today, more than 800,000
refugees have returned to Kosovo. Yes, there is still too much violence,
still too much hatred, and still too much revenge. But we are determined
to change this. We are determined to create the basis for a self-sustaining
peace there -- just as we are doing in Bosnia. The people in this
war-torn region deserve another chance. We must give them this chance.
"We" -- this is not just the 19 NATO Allies. "We"
-- this means many nations from across Europe and even outside of
Europe. "We" -- this also means Ukraine. Indeed, it was
the support for NATO's actions by our Partners, including Ukraine,
that provided the most resounding demonstration of solidarity in this
new Europe. The support given to us by our Partners -- despite domestic
doubts and despite economic hardships -- was a clear sign that our
nations not only share the same continent, but that they also share
the same values.
The NATO-Ukraine relationship holds much potential that is still
untapped -- potential that we must exploit to the fullest.
Let me illustrate my point with some examples:
First, defence reform and defence economics. A military that is
transparent, democratically controlled and fully accountable is part
and parcel of any mature democracy. And a military that adopts modern
management techniques will spend scarce resources more efficiently.
For all these reasons, defence reform should be a key issue in Ukraine's
political and economic transformation. Such a reform will be painful.
But, judging from my own experience as British Defence Minister, military
reforms can be carried through if they are well-thought out, and if
the military is given a clear perspective of the way ahead. To help
facilitate this process, NATO and Ukraine have set up a Joint Working
Group on Defence Reform.
Through this mechanism NATO can assist Ukraine. But let me emphasise:
"assist" does not mean "impose". NATO is not seeking
to impose its views on these matters on anyone. We do not even have
a single "NATO model" of defence reform or on economic conversion.
Each of NATO's 19 members has adopted its own solution tailored to
its own national requirements and experiences. Yet we believe that
NATO may serve as a pool of ideas and experience -- something Ukraine
could draw from as develops its own reforms.
A second area of cooperation we need to exploit more fully is our
military cooperation in Partnership for Peace. In the six years of
its existence this programme has become the most ambitious project
of military cooperation across this continent. 24 Partners, from Sweden
to Ukraine and from Moldova to Switzerland cooperate with the 19 Allies.
There is no comparable framework anywhere else. By preparing Partner
countries to be able to deploy forces alongside Allied ones in possible
peace support or humanitarian operations, we expand the pool of trained
forces for effective crisis management in Europe.
Ukraine has been involved in the Partnership early on. It has hosted
several PfP exercises and participated in many more. NATO-Ukraine
cooperation in civil emergency planning is also gaining momentum.
But I would invite Ukraine to go even further. Partnership for Peace
offers far more cooperation than we are currently entertaining.
This brings me to the a third and final element of our relationship
which needs to be further enhanced: information about each other.
The controversy sparked by Kosovo shows that it is not enough to have
a dialogue between us simply on the level of top diplomats or the
top military brass. A modern democratic concept of security should
enable all segments of society to take part in the debate. Only then
can we truly get rid of whatever old stereotypes there still may be.
NATO and Ukraine have been off to a good start in improving knowledge
about each other. The number of Ukrainian visitor groups at NATO Headquarters
is steadily increasing. In turn, our NATO Information Office in Kyiv
is having a positive impact in promoting understanding of the Alliance
here in Ukraine. In April of last year, NATO also opened the NATO
Liaison Office in Kyiv. The newly appointed permanent Head of this
office, Mr. Leigh Merrick, is with me today as a member of my delegation.
The stage is set for a Partnership that not only reaches across governments,
and hopefully our parliaments, but across the full spectrum of our
societies.
In this spirit, I would like to issue an invitation today. I would
like to propose a joint visit later this year by top students of the
Ukrainian Diplomatic Academy and of the National Defence Academy to
NATO Headquarters in Brussels, and to our Strategic military Headquarters
in Mons. I believe this would be a good way to promote deeper understanding
within Ukraine of what NATO does, and perhaps provide some ideas on
defence reform and civil-military relations.
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
It used to be said that "Ukraine" means "borderland".
Today, as our borders are defined by shared values rather than natural
boundaries, Ukraine has ceased to be a borderland. It has moved centre
stage as a respected player in the new European state system.
You, as the future diplomats of your country, will bear the responsibility
for consolidating Ukraine's new place in this new Europe. How you
will master this challenge is up to you. But I am certain that again
and again you will find what other nations have found, too: that by
cooperation one can achieve more. Again and again you will find that
you need the support of other nations, that you need trusted and reliable
Partners. My message to you today is that in NATO, Ukraine has such
a reliable Partner.
Thank You.
