At the CEMISS Conference on Security in Southeastern Europe Rome, 10 Sept. 1999

Speech by the Secretary General It is sometimes said that the Balkans produce more history than they can consume. NATO and many of you here today have participated in some of that history and it is useful to take a few moments to reflect on what we have experienced together and what lessons can be drawn. The crises and conflicts in this region have raised vexing questions about the very foundations of our international order: about statehood and self-determination, about autonomy and independence, and about sovereignty and intervention. Above all, the conflicts have raised questions about the relationship between values and interests. We have seen that we cannot seal off our countries to the effects of instability in the Balkans. Here in Italy, where the refugee challenge has been considerable, I don't have to elaborate. Instability in the Balkans affects our nations in many ways. A strictly "territorial" view of security neglects the main factor: our values. Let us not forget: NATO and the EU derive their attractiveness not only from their ability to create security and prosperity. Their attractiveness, and thus their political leverage, also derives from the values they represent. Bosnia taught us as much: Inaction can cast doubt on the seriousness of our policies, on the credibility of our institutions, and on the credibility of the transatlantic relationship. In the end, indifference can become more costly than engagement. In short, neglecting Southeastern Europe is simply impossible. The Balkans concern us all. We cannot close our eyes to the developments there. We have prevailed in the Kosovo crisis -- not least because of Italy's steadfast support. We prevailed, because we firmly believe in the values this Alliance stands for. We prevailed, because the support of our Partners was overwhelming. And we prevailed, because we heeded the lessons from Bosnia: diplomacy must be supported by force. Application of military force must be followed up rapidly by international civilian action. And that action must be integrated and coordinated. The progress made by the leading military and civilian organizations in Kosovo, KFOR and UNMIK, is encouraging. Clearly, there are many problems -- problems that will have to be dealt with in the months and even years ahead. But given the situation, the progress made so far is quite remarkable. The rapid return of refugees has exceeded all expectations. Violence is receding. The UCK is being disarmed. In Belgrade, an ever increasing number of people wants Milosevic to go. All this indicates that people want to get on with their lives. We must give them a new chance. To give them the chance they deserve, the international community must be ready for a long-term commitment to the region. And it must look beyond Kosovo. We must look at Southeastern Europe as a whole. During our Kosovo campaign, our Partners from Southeastern Europe have shown their solidarity with NATO's actions. Yugoslavia's neighbours supported NATO despite economic hardships and domestic troubles. They should have our support now. The EU's Stability Pact is a major step forward. It is an acknowledgement of the need for a more comprehensive approach for all of Southeastern Europe. The Stability Pact focuses on three areas: democratisation and human rights; economic reconstruction, development and cooperation; and security issues These are the areas in which nations and relevant organisations should concentrate and coordinate to achieve long-term stability and security in the region. NATO will play an important role in support of the Pact, most actively in the security field. That is why NATO launched its Southeastern European Initiative at the Washington Summit. It will support the Stability Pact. Elements of this initiative are still under discussion, as KFOR absorbs most of our attention at the moment. But let me give you a few examples of how NATO can contribute. We will use our new Consultative Forum on Security Issues on Southeast Europe, which brings together Allies and seven countries of the region, to develop practical cooperative initiatives; We will also work closely with our Partners in the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council to develop additional practical ideas for regional cooperation in Southeast Europe; We will use the Alliance's new Membership Action Plan to help aspirant countries from Southeastern Europe to prepare their candidacies for NATO membership; We will maintain the long-term goal of membership in EAPC and PfP for Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia and, ultimately, for a democratic Yugoslavia. These are just some examples of what NATO can do, and is doing, to help foster new security relationships across the region. Just as SFOR in Bosnia, so KFOR in Kosovo will have to stay for as long as it takes to get the job done. Such a military presence will have its costs. Yet these costs pale in comparison to the costs of open conflict, instability or war. Security in Europe still comes with a price tag, but it remains affordable. As we have learned, the price of indifference can be far higher that that of engagement. Yet no matter how long we will stay in the region, one thing should be clear: ultimately, it is up to the people of the region to choose reconciliation, tolerance, peace. NATO and the international community can help them make the right choices, but we must not relieve them of their responsibility to rebuild and preserve a peaceful stable society. The people of Kosovo will need to accept the same truth so many others have learned or are learning throughout the world; that ethnic purification will not lead to peace or stability. In his book, The Periodic Table, the Italian author Primo Levi used the elements of the periodic table to illustrate several observations on life. To explore the fascist image of racial purity, he used "Zinc" as a metaphor: in its pure state, Zinc is a "boring metal". Only once it becomes enriched with other elements does it become truly functional and interesting. Of course, it will be hard to convince people in Serbia and elsewhere to accept the fact that diversity is actually better, and that multi-ethnic societies are in fact more dynamic. After all that has happened, it will take many years and persistent engagement to make them put the past firmly behind. That is why we must put Southeastern Europe on the right track now. The Stability Pact is the key. It offers an opportunity for the countries in Southeastern Europe finally to take control of their destiny. NATO -- through KFOR and through its Southeastern Europe Initiative -- will play its full part to help mastering this challenge. Thank You.