Au Conseil de l'ATA Lisbonne, 17 Nov. 1998

Allocution du Secrtaire gnral, M. Javier Solana Monsieur le Premier Ministre, Excellences, Mesdames et Messieurs, Je suis trs heureux d'avoir aujourd'hui cette occasion de m'adresser au Conseil de l'Association du Trait Atlantique. Je suis galement ravi d'tre une nouvelle fois cette anne au Portugal. Voici exactement cinq cents ans, en 1498, que Vasco de Gama prenait la mer destination des Indes. C'tait sans doute le signe avant-coureur d'une tendance que nous appelons aujourd'hui la mondialisation. Cette tendance qui a un impact sur tous les aspects de notre vie, y compris notre scurit. C'est pourquoi il est devenu beaucoup plus difficile de dfinir ce qu'est la scurit de nos jours, de mme que les moyens de la maintenir. Si elle est difficile dfinir, la scurit est facile reconnatre. Quant aux moyens de la maintenir, les annes 90 nous en fournissent un bon exemple par le biais de notre Alliance atlantique. De fait, l'OTAN s'intresse plus aux solutions qu'aux dfinitions. Depuis le dbut des annes 90, notre Alliance a d faire face de nombreux dfis concernant la scurit en Europe, notamment en Bosnie et tout rcemment au Kosovo. Or, la pression des vnements l'a amene ragir dans des dlais assez courts, alors que des procdures bien tablies ou des relations institutionnelles spcifiques n'existaient pas encore. Dans toute la mesure du possible, l'OTAN s'est toujours efforce de rsoudre les problmes auxquels elle tait confronte. S'il en avait t autrement, la Bosnie serait toujours en guerre et des milliers de Kosovars seraient condamns de cruelles souffrances pendant l'hiver qui va commencer. La crise au Kosovo a montr combien la communaut internationale tait capable d'oeuvrer ensemble dans un mme objectif de paix. Cette solidarit sans faille a permis d'exercer une pression maximale sur le Prsident Milosevic pour l'amener signer des accords grce auxquels la guerre a pu tre arrte et une catastrophe humanitaire vite. Grce ces accords, les parties en prsence au Kosovo ont maintenant devant elles une opportunit saisir pour parvenir un rglement politique de la crise sans lequel une paix durable ne pourra s'instaurer. C'est pourquoi je les invite faire preuve de modration et s'asseoir la table des ngociations le plus rapidement possible, pour profiter pleinement de la chance qui leur est offerte par les accords de vrification. Aujourd'hui, en effet, la priorit est de parvenir un rglement politique de la crise. L'OTAN va intervenir dans ces accords deux niveaux : avec l'accord de vrification arienne et avec la force d'extraction qui contribuera, si ncessaire, la scurit des vrificateurs de l'OSCE au Kosovo. Encore une fois, cette participation consquente souligne la solidarit et la cohsion des Allis qui se sont engags avec courage et dtermination malgr les efforts supplmentaires que cette participation leur demandera. C'est ce dynamisme jamais dmenti au cours des dernires annes qui a permis notre Alliance de runir les conditions ncessaires pour que nous entrions dans le prochain sicle avec confiance et un sentiment de russite. L'OTAN a dmontr que nous pouvons faonner les vnements, plutt qu'en tre les victimes. Les succs enregistrs dans les annes 90 sont la meilleure preuve que, quelles que soient les volutions de l'environnement de scurit, nous restons capables de relever les dfis. Les succs de l'OTAN sont dus de multiples facteurs, dont vous n'tes pas le moindre, vous qui reprsentez l'Association du Trait Atlantique et les groupes nationaux qui la composent. L'Alliance est forte de sa confiance dans votre nergie, jamais dmentie, et dans le soutien sans faille que vous lui tmoignez. Grce vous, elle est en mesure de viser toujours plus haut, de faire preuve d'audace, d'assumer plus de responsabilits au nom d'une scurit europenne renforce. Elle peut dpasser, par sa dtermination et son action, des thories d'une autre poque. Vous, les membres de l'ATA, vous tes rellement mme d'affirmer que vous avez apport une contribution dterminante l'mergence de la nouvelle OTAN que nous avons aujourd'hui devant nous. Le Sommet de Washington, qui aura lieu en avril prochain, offrira une occasion unique de communiquer nos opinions publiques le message de cette nouvelle OTAN. Bien plus que la simple clbration du 50e anniversaire de l'OTAN, ce Sommet nous permettra de nous tourner rsolument vers l'avenir. Le message qui sera envoy lors du Sommet le dira haut et fort : notre Alliance atlantique est prte pour le prochain sicle. J'aimerais maintenant partager avec vous quelques rflexions concernant ce Sommet. L'lment central du Sommet sera videmment le lien transatlantique. Il constitue l'essence mme de notre organisation. C'est ce lien qui confre l'OTAN son caractre unique et son efficacit. Dans la crise du Kosovo comme, auparavant, dans le conflit en Bosnie, c'est lui qui a t finalement la cl du succs. La raffirmation de notre communaut transatlantique, et cela dans la ville mme o elle a t fonde, sera n'en pas douter un aspect essentiel du Sommet. Il montrera que, pour le prochain millnaire, la scurit sera avant tout transatlantique. Mais, raffirmer l'importance du lien transatlantique va bien au-del d'une simple clbration de tout ce qu'il a permis de raliser. C'est pourquoi le Sommet sera aussi une occasion de promouvoir une relation transatlantique plus mre, avec un partage plus quitable des responsabilits. Le dveloppement de l'Identit Europenne de Scurit et de Dfense est au coeur de cette nouvelle relation transatlantique rquilibre. Grce lui, les Allis ne seront plus obligs de choisir entre l'action avec les Etats-Unis et l'absence de toute action. L'Europe pourra agir seule avec les moyens de l'Alliance. Beaucoup a d'ores et dj t fait pour rquilibrer la relation transatlantique conformment ces principes. Ainsi, notre coopration troite avec l'UEO cre de nouvelles options politiques et militaires pour des oprations en situation de crise sous direction europenne. Nous continuerons avancer avec dtermination sur cette voie. La vitalit de notre Alliance se retrouve aussi dans d'autres domaines, par exemple, son largissement aux pays de l'Europe de l'Est. Bientt, la ratification de l'accession des trois pays invits sera termine. Mais, le processus d'largissement ne s'arrtera pas aprs que la Rpublique tchque, la Hongrie et la Pologne auront rejoint l'Alliance. D'autres pays continueront se porter candidats l'adhsion et revendiquer la mme identit atlantique que les allis ont dveloppe au fil des ans. Ils mettront en avant le succs de leurs rformes politiques et militaires, leurs progrs dans l'tablissement de bonnes relations avec leurs voisins, et leur attachement aux valeurs communes. Nous ne pouvons demeurer indiffrents de telles aspirations. C'est pourquoi la porte de l'OTAN restera ouverte. Nanmoins, en dterminant le rythme du processus d'largissement, nous continuerons tenir compte aussi bien des intrts de l'Alliance que de la scurit europenne dans son ensemble. Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, The vitality of NATO is also reflected in our historic task of constructive engagement with Russia. We have many common interests we need to pursue together. And we are enhancing our practical day-to-day cooperation. Through the NATO-Russia Founding Act and the Permanent Joint Council, we now have the instrument to do so. For NATO, having a strategic partner of the weight and importance of Russia benefits not only the Alliance, but European security as a whole. But Russia's weight and importance must rest on its ability to contribute to common solutions, not on its ability to deny them. Such is the responsibility of a UN Security Council member. And such should be the logic that guides a modern Russia into the 21st century. During the Kosovo crisis, though we might have disagreed as to the proper means to resolve the crisis, we both wanted the full implementation of the United Nations Security Council resolutions. Thus, the fact that the NATO-Russia Permanent Joint Council worked throughout the crisis demonstrated that we have come to understand that our relationship is a strong one. It also works when times get difficult. This bodes well for the future. This new organic link to Russia is just one component of NATO's commitment to continent-wide security cooperation. And this commitment has literally changed the security face of Europe. The deepening consultations with our Partners in the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council offer many opportunities for dialogue and cooperation, whether on regional issues or in improving our joint capacity to response to disasters, most of which still remain to be explored. Therefore, giving the Partnership for Peace a greater operational character provides also new options for crisis management and, as we have seen in the Kosovo crisis, new options for preventive deployments. Another block of our new NATO is our relationship with Ukraine. The NATO-Ukraine Commission allows us to help this important country find its own distinct path into Europe. Ukraine is eager to participate in the common task of building security and stability in the Euro-Atlantic region. Ukrainian forces have participated in IFOR and SFOR in Bosnia since their creation and Ukraine expressed its willingness to cooperate in the Kosovo Verification Missions. We are also developing greater cooperation in civil emergency planning. And to facilitate the evolution of the NATO-Ukraine Commission, Ukraine has added military representatives to its team at NATO Headquarters in Brussels. Our Mediterranean dialogue is also bound to grow in intensity. We have adopted a differentiated approach to Mediterranean security, an approach that is first and foremost political. Through the establishment of a dialogue and regular exchanges of information, the Alliance is aiming at dispelling any misunderstandings that may have arisen over the nature and activities of NATO. We want to show that the emerging European security architecture is truly based on cooperation and outreach. Through the dialogue, we also seek to get a better understanding of some of the security concerns and perspectives of our neighbours to the South. Together with them, we are identifying areas where we can build confidence in our relations - areas such as information, science, civil emergency planning, and other, military-related activities. In short, we are doing away with the image of the Mediterranean as a new divide. The Washington Summit will convey the clear message that all these elements have now become a permanent feature of the new NATO. They are expressions of a new, wider approach to managing security. Above all, they are expressions of the strength of the transatlantic partnership. NATO after the Washington Summit will also have to address new challenges, the potentially most destabilising of which is maybe proliferation. Indeed, the spread of weapons of mass destruction is bound to assume an ever greater significance in the coming years, for a number of technical and political reasons. Technically, the ongoing debate about "dual-use" items indicates that the lines between civilian and military applications of a given technology are becoming increasingly blurred. Politically, the behaviour of some countries has emerged as a major challenge to the non-proliferation regime. Moreover, the implications of illicit transfers of nuclear weapons expertise gives cause for concern. Looking further ahead, I believe that the Alliance should also ensure that NATO itself is responding to the new challenges in defence-related technology. A transatlantic partnership in security needs to be underpinned by a partnership in technology and industry. We need to be mindful, therefore, that Europe and North America march in the same direction and at the same pace in the application of defence technologies and in military procurement. Such convergence would make joint operations a lot easier. For these reasons, I believe that a new transatlantic dialogue in the area of defence trade and industry would be most useful, for us to keep in mind the importance of ensuring that our military forces remain interoperable and our defence industrial bases complementary as well as efficient. Finally, in April, we will unveil an updated Strategic Concept. We want to bring this document in line with the security environment of today and tomorrow. The Strategic Concept has two main functions: first, to provide the public with NATO's assessment of the security environment in the Euro-Atlantic area; and second, to guide NATO's military planners in ensuring that the Alliance remains effective at meeting the security challenges of the future. The updated Strategic Concept will confirm the Allies' commitment to the core function of collective defence and the transatlantic link. It will also, however, reflect the many changes that have occurred in Europe since the early 1990s, including the many political and structural innovations the Alliance has developed since 1991. NATO's new roles in crisis management and non-proliferation will feature prominently in this new concept, as will the new mechanisms of partnership and cooperation. The Concept will also show clearly the importance attached to developing the European Security and Defence Identity within the Alliance and the efforts made to this end. As you can see, we have much to look forward to in the months ahead. Celebrating NATO's 50th anniversary next year is an event to which many people are looking forward - not least the Atlantic Treaty Associations, many of which are sponsoring and staging activities to commemorate as well as publicise this milestone in NATO's history. I know I can count on your help. The 50th anniversary should be much more than only a celebration of the uniqueness of NATO and its past achievements. It should bring a forward-looking vision of the new NATO and its key role in helping to build security through the Euro-Atlantic area. It is an opportunity to communicate to the general public the dramatic changes which have taken place over the past years, as NATO itself has evolved from an Alliance designed to prevent war to an Alliance designed to serve as an anchor of peace and stability in the continent as a whole. NATO is able to do so, because it remains faithful to its origins - the protection and safeguarding of the principles of democracy and freedom, as set out in the Washington Treaty. And it remains able to do so, because people like you, people who represent the diversity of our societies, have remained faithful and committed to the North Atlantic Alliance. Let us all look forward with confidence to the next fifty years. Thank you.