Speech
by
US Secretary of State, Madeleine K. Albright
at the North Atlantic Council
Let me begin by welcoming the foreign ministers of Poland, Hungary and
the Czech Republic to our meeting today. I hope that all allies will work
with their parliaments to ratify their formal admission to the Alliance
as early as possible.
This morning, we began a discussion about the future of our partnership.
I suggested that we have three broad challenges: completing the integration
of Europe; deepening the ties between the U.S. and Europe; and establishing
more effective mechanisms for America and Europe to pursue common interests
and confront common threats.
Our effort to bring peace and democracy to the nations of the former
Yugoslavia involves all three of these challenges. Bosnia in particular
has been a test of the trans-Atlantic partnership, a proving ground for
the new NATO, and a challenge to our vision of a Europe whole and free.
NATO is in Bosnia because we understand that our theoretical discussions
about Europe's future will mean little if Europeans are still killing
each other over power, land and faith.
Almost three years ago, NATO committed itself to help secure a lasting
peace in Bosnia. Today we are renewing that commitment by approving the
operational plan for NATO's Follow-On Force. We are also approving the
creation of specialized units that will be better equipped to perform
public security tasks. We are doing so not to expand the scope of NATO's
mission, but to make sure that SFOR is able and prepared to accomplish
the mission it has been given. Let me thank those countries, especially
Italy, that have agreed to furnish forces for the specialized units.
Let me also express my appreciation for the briefings Generals Clark
and Naumann have just given us. The news they bring from Bosnia is generally
good. Economic growth is resuming. Refugee returns are accelerating. Narrow
minded leaders are being marginalized. President Plavsic and Prime Minister
Dodik have held firm in the face of pressure from Belgrade. More and more
war criminals are surrendering. The more confidence we have shown in NATO's
ability to act vigorously and creatively in Bosnia, the more progress
we have made. But progress, as they said, is still fragile.
In the coming months, a top priority must be to reinforce the development
of accountable democratic institutions at every level in Bosnia, and to
support a free media. The September elections are absolutely critical;
we must give them our full support.
We agree on the need to dismantle remaining anti-Dayton institutions.
In that regard, we cannot forget the need to get even more war criminals
to the Hague. Our forces will also continue to work closely with civilian
agencies, including UHCR and OHR, to provide a secure environment for
the phased and orderly return of refugees. This is the year of refugee
returns in Bosnia; the results must match our commitment.
We also agree that Croatia must do more to meet its Dayton commitments,
especially on refugee returns.
>From the start, our most important strategic interest in Bosnia and
Croatia has been to prevent a wider war that would threaten the stability
of southeastern Europe as a whole. That is precisely the danger now posed
by the violence in Kosovo.
Here we have finally seen an important sign of progress. President Milosevic
and President Rugova have begun to talk, meeting the first key demand
of the Contact Group, and the first requirement of a peaceful solution
to the Kosovo crisis.
We have to remember that this first step forward came about only through
sustained diplomatic and economic pressure from the international community.
And we have to understand that it is, indeed, only a first step. Dialogue
is a means to an end; only if it leads to an agreement that enhances Kosovo's
status and respects the human rights of all its people will further violence
be averted.
The dialogue must focus on substance, not process. And in the meantime,
we have to be vigilant to ensure President Milosevic does not pour more
gasoline on the fire he has started.
Repression of the civilian population must end. Food and assistance
must flow freely. Belgrade must take immediate steps to reduce tensions
and build confidence to keep the fragile process of dialogue going. For
if the dialogue is prolonged while the crackdown continues, Kosovo will
not see peace, and Serbia will not see the end of its isolation and poverty.
When the talks began, we suspended implementation of certain Contact
Group sanctions. If violence continues and there is no progress in the
dialogue, suspended sanctions can be reinstated quickly.
Moreover, while are rightly focused on Kosovo, we should also be concerned
about the situation in Montenegro. The campaign President Milosevic has
launched against the elected president of Montenegro is creating another
source of instability in the region. We need to insist that the results
of the elections in Montenegro are respected.
It is equally vital that we act now to shore up Kosovo's periphery,
both to diminish the real possibility that the conflict will spread, and
to prevent outsiders from inciting it further. The measures we will announce
today will help us do just that, by providing assistance to the countries
most clearly threatened, FYROM and Albania.
In FYROM, we all recognize that an international military presence will
be needed after UNPREDEP's mandate expires on August 31. The United States
supports extending the mandate for an additional six months, with troop
levels increased to the original ceiling of 1,050. But NATO also has interests
at stake and a role to play.
It is essential that we begin contingency planning for preventive military
deployments to FYROM and Albania, as well as assistance to the OSCE mission
that is monitoring the Albanian border with the FRY. The threat of cross
border actions from Kosovo to Albania is real -- and another reminder
that it is President Milosevic who is internationalizing this conflict.
As we move forward with our planning, we need to work closely with our
partners in the EAPC.
Let me conclude by emphasizing that the Alliance has taken no decision
on playing a role in any military missions, but planning will help us
make an informed decision if and when the time comes.
Often in these situations there is a temptation to wait and see what
happens before making commitments and taking action. I'm afraid that if
we wait for the parties on the ground to act, we will only see that it
is too late to prevent disaster. So let us use all the tools we have to
resolve this problem now, before it explodes into a crisis that can only
be resolved at far greater cost. I think we should all absorb the lessons
of the early 1990's in dealing with this situation. I look forward to
working with you to ensure that we do.
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