[ NATO SPEECHES ]

NATO Summit
Meeting

Madrid, Spain,
8 July 1997


Address

by Senator William Roth
to the North Atlantic Council


Secretary General Solana, Prime Minister Aznar, President Clinton, distinguished heads of state, distinguished heads of government, it is an honor for me to be here respesenting the parliaments of the Allied nations. As the Alliance prepares to undertake far reaching adjustments to the post-Cold War era, the relationship between the governments of NATO and their parliaments takes on a renewed significance. The decisions you are contemplating concerning NATO membership, the Alliance's structure and organization, and its roles and missions require a strong consensus between our governments, our parliaments, and our people.

The North Atlantic Assembly regularly convenes over 200 legislators from all nations within the Alliance. Its mandate is both to enhance understanding of key Alliance issues and to broaden and consolidate support for NATO. As President of the North Atlantic Assembly, I would like to share with you a parliamentarian's perspective upon four pillars underpinning NATO's future.

NATO Enlargement

The first pillar is NATO enlargment, for which there is wide parlimentary support. The majority of my colleagues regard enlargement as a moral and strategic imperative consistent with the very essence and purpose of the North Atlantic Treaty. Indeed, over the last six years, the Assembly has passed five resolutions endorsing NATO enlargement. However, that support is not unqualified and cannot be taken for granted. It must not only be sustained, but also expanded and strengthened.

In this regard, the initial phase of NATO enlargement should be approached in a manner that will widen support for the Alliance and the enlargement process itself. Differences among governments carry the risk of being magnified in parliaments and among our publics. For this reason, my parliamentary colleagues are generally supportive of including fewer rather than more nations in the first phase of enlargement.

Parliamentary support will also be conditioned on the confidence that enlargement will be an open and on-going process. The Alliance should make clear that no European democracy that seeks membership in the Alliance and is in a position to contribute to NATO's overall security will be denied membership. To do so would violate the Alliance's ethos and would perpetuate a zone of insecurity. Steps that reinforce the credibility of NATO's commitment "to keep the door open" will only further solidify public and parliamentary support for enlargement.

Russia NATO Relations

The second pillar is the Alliance's relationship with Russia. The Founding Act was an historic breakthrough for peace and comity between Russia and the transatlantic community. (Secretary General Solana is to be congratulated for a job well-done.) The Founding Act has reinforced support for NATO enlargement by demonstrating that cooperation with Russia and the expansion of the Alliance are not contradictory, but complimentary goals.

Having said this, many of my Assembly colleagues are concerned that the Permanent Joint Council, established by the Founding Act, could become a tool of those who might seek to undercut NATO enlargment or undermine the Alliance's consensus building process. Most of us, however, recognize that the Founding Act is the first step in a still-evolving relationship and that its success will be determined more by deeds than by the charter's written words.

Internal Adaption

The third pillar that we believe is essential to NATO's future concerns its structural adaptation to the post-Cold War world. The successful evolution of this process, including the full integration of all of our current and prospective members, will contribute to a more robust European Security and Defense Identity within the Alliance. It will appropriately permit a new sharing of roles and responsibilities that will strengthen the transatlantic relationship.

It is always useful to remind ourselves that our parliaments and publics must be fully confident that the Alliance can respond effectively to present and future challenges. Toward, this end, the decision to examine how the Alliance's Strategic Concept relates to current and future challenges is a wise one. Such a review will be critical to reassure our parliaments and people that NATO remains an important and relevant institution. The North Atlantic Assembly hopes to complement this process by completing next year a special study I initiated earlier this Spring entitled "NATO in the 21st Century."

Burden-Sharing

The fourth and final pillar is burden-sharing. The fair and equitable sharing of costs, risks, and sacrifices are the essence of successful alliances and have been the hall-mark of NATO's decisive role in the Dayton Peace Process. This has been its greatest success in post-Cold War Europe.

I am concerned, however, that the Alliance will attempt in the Spring of 1998 to manage another debate on its role in the Bosnia peace process while simultaneously ratifying accession treaties for new members.

Both issues feature important burden-sharing dimensions that can interact and together undercut support for the Alliance. To obviate this challenge, the Alliance must address its long-term role in the Dayton Peace process prior to national debates on enlargement.

The Alliance must also publicly address the costs of enlargement if we are to help member states and applicants to prepare psychologically, politically, and financially for this task. We need clarity on how much additional expenditures are needed, for what purpose, and by whom.

How the costs of NATO expansion will be shared will be a critical dimension of the ratification debates in all our legislatures. Without an open and constructive dialogue, burden sharing could very well reemerge as the Achilles heel, not only the NATO enlargement, but of the Alliance itself.

Ensuring strong public and parliamentary support around these four pillars will enable the Alliance to serve effectively as the cornerstone of a transatlantic community feature a Europe that is undivided, democratic, and at peace.

As President of the North Atlantic Assembly, I can assure you that my colleagues are eager to work with the North Atlantic Council on these issues -- to generate the political and public consensus necessary for NATO to be as effective in the 21st century as it has been in the 20th.

Thank you.


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