Course 88 |
Inaugural Addressby Deputy Secretary General Sergio BalanzinoHis time here marks a fast-moving period in NATO's history. And it is a credit to him that, over the past several years, this college has kept its reputation for being on top of the issues of the day and, more often than not, ahead of the debate on security matters. The NATO Defence College has a distinguished record in stimulating ideas and in forging friendships which last. What we in NATO believe this course should achieve is a broadening of view and a deepening of the knowledge of its participants. Over the next few months, away from the immediate distraction of work, we hope that you will find the challenge of exploring the complexities of today's security situation stimulating and valuable. It has proved a tremendous asset to the Alliance over the years that so many officers have passed through this course. Many of you may not go immediately to a NATO post after completing this course or be involved in NATO-related matters generally. But judging from past experience, most of you will, at some stage, find yourselves working directly on NATO issues or utilising the valuable contacts you make here during your stay at the College. In this sense, NATO is not a bureaucracy - it is a state of mind! And I say this having come directly from the Headquarters in Brussels. NATO could, of course, become a bureaucracy if it were not for the spirit of cameraderie, common purpose and cooperation that the Alliance fosters among its members. The NATO Defence College is an important part of our "spiritual universe", with its similar emphasis on building lasting friendships and encouraging a wider outlook than perhaps can be attained through national perspectives alone.
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Let me briefly touch on the main issues now confronting the Alliance. First, there is the historic undertaking of the Alliance and a number of Partner countries in deploying the Implementation Force in Bosnia. This operation has shown that NATO has managed, despite its almost 50 years of existence, to avoid the characteristics of bureaucratic old age, slowness, inflexibility and inaction. Quite the opposite. The IFOR operation is not just a reaffirmation of the central value of NATO as a security organisation; it reveals something else - something very important that we have not seen in modern European history.
A coalition for peace has been assembled with a breadth of representation and support that hitherto would have been unimaginable. The Cold War divide in Europe had prevented such coalitions, such "partnerships for peace" from arising. IFOR includes Russia, our partners from Central and Eastern Europe, neutral countries such as Finland and Sweden, and even non-European nations such as Jordan, Malaysia, and Morocco. It is thus the first concrete expression of an integrated and cooperative approach to security in the new Europe. With so much at stake, it is clear that the IFOR mission must succeed and, although the challenges facing IFOR are truly immense, I believe we can be optimistic about that. There is respect for the power at IFOR's disposal, which was so effectively demonstrated during last year's NATO air strikes. There is appreciation for the fair and even-handed treatment of the parties by our forces. There is above all the tremendous psychological impact on the Bosnian people of such a tangible demonstration of the united will of the international community. IFOR's mission thus far has in general gone remarkably well, and we have seen the achievement of a separation of forces and the complete withdrawal of each party's forces from areas which are to be transferred to another party. The new and permanent map of Bosnia created by the Dayton Accords is beginning to take shape. But Dayton will amount to little more than the most expensive cease-fire in history if efforts to achieve national reconciliation and reconstruction do not succeed. These two efforts are closely linked: the peoples of Bosnia have to see that opting for peaceful coexistence will be accompanied by a tangible improvement in their ruined surroundings and economic circumstances. That is why the task of the High Representative, Carl Bildt, is so crucial to the long-term prospects for peace in Bosnia. That is why we have assured him that NATO and IFOR will do their utmost to help facilitate the work of the civilian reconstruction agencies in Bosnia.
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The next major area of work for us in the months and year ahead is that of cooperation with our Partners in Central and Eastern Europe and, indeed, Central Asia. This cooperation is undertaken within the framework of the North Atlantic Cooperation Council and the Partnership for Peace and will, for some Partners, extend in due course to membership in the Alliance.
In this area, too, the NATO Defence College has played its role. The participation of officers from Partner countries in Senior Course 88 will give additional stimulation to your discussions. Military and diplomatic interchanges between Allies and Partners today take place on a regular, even daily, basis, and this College has helped lead the way. General Evraire was one of the first to understand the potential of such exchanges. He led the first NATO Defence College visit to Moscow. One could say that, in doing so, General Evraire led the first successful military invasion of Moscow in modern history! I believe that he even managed to persuade the Russians that we would also welcome a counter-invasion - the presence of Russian officers here in the College, to participate in courses. The importance of cooperation, the centrality of it, is something that you will discover and discuss in the weeks ahead. I will not, therefore, go into detail today or anticipate what other speakers are scheduled to talk about later. But I think that it is essential to underline that NATO's cooperation initiatives are not a mere sideshow to NATO's main business of collective defence. In today's environment, genuine, deep and practical links with non-NATO countries are essential instruments in achieving our goal - which is a safe and stable environment in which we can minimise and, if necessary, remove threats to peace. To succeed, we need to work with others. Cooperation is not just the froth on NATO's beer; it is part and parcel of our work. It is evident that the practical cooperation upon which IFOR depends will give further momentum to both the Partnership for Peace and the enlargement process itself. Indeed, one could say that "Operation Joint Endeavour" is the most ambitious PfP exercise ever conceived. It will serve to enhance knowledge and experience of NATO among PfP members, including those who wish to take on the responsibilities of Alliance membership. Their capacity for interoperability with NATO forces will doubtless improve as a result of this experience, and they will be keen to match NATO operating standards.
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Yet the enlargement of NATO, which is another major task which lies ahead of us, is far from being about interoperability alone. It is a process designed to enhance stability by overcoming past divisions, based on principles of cooperation, dialogue and partnership. The enlargement of NATO has to be seen in the broader context of European-wide integration.
This year will see an intensified individual dialogue with Partners interested in joining the Alliance. This dialogue will help further define the steps that these countries must take in preparing for NATO membership. At the same time, we in the Alliance will continue our own preparations to ensure that NATO itself can adjust to enlargement. Another key priority for NATO is our relationship with Russia. This is a basic element of the development of a cooperative security structure for the whole of Europe. The participation of a Russian brigade in IFOR and the good cooperation established on the ground between Russian and NATO forces shows that it is possible for NATO and Russia to work side by side as equals in meeting the real security challenges facing the new Europe. But this is not all. NATO and Russia have also worked together on issues related to the safe and secure dismantling of nuclear weapons and preventing the spread of nuclear weapons technology and materiel. There is no reason why this joint cooperation and consultation cannot go further to address wider issues of European security. We want to work closely with Russia because a healthy and cooperative partnership between NATO and Russia can and must be the foundation of security in post-Cold War Europe. We hope that 1996 will be the year in which we embed the NATO-Russian relationship deeply into the new structure of security in Europe. Our final major priority is adaptation of NATO's structures. We cannot fulfil our new missions with old structures. The demands of crisis management and peacekeeping, as well as the pressure of reduced defence spending in Allied capitals, require a more streamlined and flexible organisation. As was agreed at the NATO Summit in 1994, we also need to create structures which permit the European Allies to assume greater defence responsibilities - principally the establishment of Combined Joint Task Forces.
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