NATO Speech |
Speechby NATO Secretary General, Mr. Javier Solana
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This hope was understandable, but it was not realistic. The fact of the matter is that the end of the Cold War also meant the end of a period of unusual stability in Europe that had been enforced by the two-bloc system. Whereas US engagement and the NATO umbrella had succeeded in fundamentally changing Western Europe, the same could not be said for the eastern half of the continent. The question was whether Central and Eastern Europe would once again become a cauldron of ethnic hatred and a theatre of conflict and great power rivalry, or whether instead its nations could at last be integrated into the wider transatlantic family of democratic nations. And so it became increasingly clear in the years following the fall of the Berlin Wall that America's historic role in Europe, through NATO, was by no means finished. The time had come not for retreat, but for further engagement; not for a weakening of the transatlantic link, but for its widening and strengthening. Moreover, to meet the new challenges, NATO itself had to change from the static, military shield of the Cold War to a more flexible and dynamic organisation oriented to the now fluid security environment in Europe. The transformation of the Alliance is not complete, but we have already altered our strategic concept, force structures and political and security missions in fundamental ways. |
As a result, the new NATO is now pursuing four broad security objectives in the new Europe:
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In sum, I believe it is abundantly clear that NATO has begun successfully to transform itself as the Alliance moves to transform the security environment of post-Cold War Europe. However, our efforts to create a better future for Europe have at times been overshadowed by the eruption, in former Yugoslavia, of unappeased hatreds from Europe's past. For it is a sad fact that while we were busy proclaiming the arrival of a new era of peace and cooperation, the parties in the Balkans were threatening to drag us back into a dark age of ethnic conflict and balance-of-power rivalries. Even worse, the Bosnian war was starting to divide the NATO Allies and jeopardise the Alliance's most precious asset - our internal cohesion and solidarity, especially as embodied in the transatlantic link. I do not need to recount here the story of the mistakes and missed opportunities of the past four years. What is important is simply this: the difference between the earlier part of the crisis and now, the difference between failure and success, was the active involvement of the United States in this major challenge to the security of Europe. I do not mean to imply that the US must act alone; NATO can realize its full potential only when the United States and Europe are both involved and acting together. My point is simply that challenges such as Bosnia cannot be managed unless the US is willing to play a role commensurate with its responsibilities within the Alliance. I know there are many in Congress and throughout America who wish this were otherwise. To them, I would say two things: first, that Europe alone did not have the capacity to mount such a complex air, sea and land operation, the largest on the continent since World War II. The fact of the matter is that a substantial US ground force commitment was necessary to give credibility to the operation, in the eyes not only of the parties to the conflict, but also to the other would-be contributors. This geopolitical fact of life is reflected in NATO's military structure itself, which is commanded by American military officers. The second point I would make to Americans is this: you are not alone in Bosnia - far from it. The bulk of the forces in IFOR are not from the United States; they have been supplied by the European Allies who have been committed on the ground in former Yugoslavia for almost four years now, and who are also contributing substantially in material and indeed in resources to rebuild Bosnia. In fact, while IFOR could not have been launched without the leadership of the United States, neither could the US under current political circumstances have undertaken such an operation alone. Bosnia is a model for the way NATO has worked ever since its inception. In Bosnia as in the Cold War, the United States plus Europe is the recipe for success. |
Let me assure you that we will indeed succeed in Bosnia. I have been there twice in the past month, and I am confident that our forces will manage to keep the peace for the duration of the IFOR mission. I do not really believe that they will face any major or organised military challenge. The parties got a very educational exposure to the power at NATO's disposal last August and September; they know our capabilities and our willingess to use them if challenged. Moreover, they want the war to finish; that is why their leaders signed the Dayton Peace Agreement. And their peoples desire peace even more. The real questions about IFOR's success have to do with two issues unrelated to the military operation as such, namely national reconciliation and national reconstruction in Bosnia. Reestablishing peaceful coexistence after a bloody civil war is no easy thing to accomplish. Based on my own observation, it seems to me that the desire to live again as one people exists on all sides in Bosnia, but there is a climate of mistrust which is encouraged by factional leaders who themselves do not want peace. For this problem, there are basically three remedies: the bringing to justice of those guilty of war crimes, and a generous amnesty for everyone else; free and fair elections, now scheduled for August, to produce leaders committed to peace and national reconciliation; and finally a willingness on the part of the international community to hold the leaders in Belgrade, Zagreb and Sarajevo responsible for keeping the promises they made in Dayton. These leaders want to join Western political, economic and security institutions and need to understand that their prospects for doing so will depend upon the long-term survival of an independent Bosnia. The other key factor will be the ability of the international civilian agencies operating under the direction of Carl Bildt to begin quickly to bring about positive changes to the ruined infrastructure and economy of Bosnia. People need to see tangible evidence that peace will mean an improvement in their lives - and they need to see this soon. Mr. Bildt has a highly demanding and complicated task. But he does not yet have the necessary resources. He is off to a good start, but his mission cannot succeed unless the resources and personnel requested are made quickly available to him. And if he does not succeed, neither, in the long run, can we. And so I would strongly urge my friends in the American Congress, as I do my friends in Europe, to give Mr Bildt the support he needs to complement and consolidate the work our fine troops are doing. |
But I really do not admit the possibility of failure. Too much is at stake, which is why we went into Bosnia in the first place. The fact is that we cannot achieve our security agenda for peace and stability in the wider Europe if we do not achieve peace in Bosnia. What perhaps is not well understood, however, is that IFOR is not a detour from this agenda, but is really in effect a trial run for the various elements which will constitute the transatlantic security architecture in the 21st century. Think about it for a moment. IFOR is not just a NATO operation. NATO's 16 Allies in fact, represent only half the total of contributing nations. Perhaps most noteworthy, Russia is also participating in IFOR. This proves that in spite of sometimes heated rhetoric, it is indeed possible for NATO and Russia to work together in a partnership of equals and deal pragmatically with the real security challenges of our times. Also serving with us in IFOR are many other of our close partners in the PfP programme. Indeed, their ability to operate to NATO standards is already a vindication of PfP's effectiveness, just as their performance in IFOR will undoubtedly improve the readiness of candidates for NATO membership. Finally, IFOR comprises yet another set of participating countries - neutral nations such as Finland and Sweden, and even non-European nations such as Morocco, Malaysia and Jordan. These are nations with which NATO had strictly nothing to do for more than 40 years. Their presence in this NATO-led operation is one more sign of the astonishing road the Alliance has travelled in the short time since the end of the Cold War. And the presence of all the non-NATO nations in this coalition for peace is an indication of where the Alliance is heading in the years to come. Where we are heading is towards the creation of a security architecture for a united and democratic Europe, with NATO as its cornerstone. The steps we take in 1996 in this direction will be critical, especially the intensified dialogue we will begin in April with potential candidates for NATO membership. We will also have to redouble our efforts to develop a special relationship with Russia, explaining that the enlargement of NATO will strengthen, and not weaken, stability in the wider Europe. And we will have to continue to expand the activities of the Partnership for Peace, which will become of increasing importance to those nations which may not be candidates for early membership in NATO. |