Budapest
22 November
1990
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Speech
before the Hungarian Parliament
Speech
by Secretary General, Manfred Wörner
Until about eighteen months ago, the visit of the Secretary General of NATO
to Hungary as the official guest of your Budapest government would have
seemed an exercise in futurology. Yet today a new Europe has emerged which
makes the once improbable now seem wholly natural; a Europe drawn together
by the unfettered aspiration for freedom, democracy and economic prosperity.
Hungary, a nation at the geographical as well as cultural heart of Europe,
has played a crucial role in bringing about this historic change. From the
outset it was clear that the Hungarian people would never bow to totalitarian
rule nor accept permanent isolation from their fellow Europeans. In 1956
your people bravely rose up against oppression, with tragic consequences.
In the years that followed, you worked more cautiously but with the same
dogged determination to change the system from within. Hungary was always
different from other Communist countries, exuding a sense of a Western society
itching to break free of a rigid but ultimately fragile corset.
You have not only liberated yourselves but helped decisively to liberate
others. The decision of Hungary in the late Summer of 1989 to brave the
anger of its Warsaw Pact allies and allow the East Germans to go to the
West triggered the collapse of Communist regimes in Central and, later,
Eastern Europe. I believe that change was inevitable sooner or later. But
Hungary's brave decision accelerated this process and thus made it more
peaceful than it might otherwise have been. You have earned the gratitude
not only of the German people, but all Europeans.
Therefore it is hardly surprising that Hungary has always been in the vanguard
of what is often called "the return to Europe"- the first to establish
links with NATO and our parliamentary body the North Atlantic Assembly,
the first to approach the European Community with a view to eventual membership
and the first of the Central and Eastern European countries to become a
full member of the Council of Europe, which happened two weeks ago. Today
you are concerned to be part of Europe not only institutionally, but also
economically and socially. This will not be easy, as we all know. Reform
is not without its social consequences. It will take a combination of sustained
reform efforts by you and sustained help from the West before living standards
in both halves of Europe are more equal. Together we must make sure that
popular enthusiasm and hope for the future are not dented by the inevitable
pains and hardships of transition. Certainly your government's dynamism
in establishing intensive links with Western nations, and encouraging their
industries and enterprises to come to Hungary, bodes well for your ultimate
success. Moreover the West's actions thus far demonstrate that you can count
on our political support and concrete assistance, whether that be in the
group of 24, the European Community or the new European Bank for Reconstruction
and Development.
It is, of course, not only in the relations between government and people
that the Cold War is over. Also in the relations between nations we see
a new spirit of cooperation - a common desire not to be held back by the
fears and suspicions that have bedevilled all previous attempts to create
a European family of nations. Indeed I would say that never has Europe had
such a palpable opportunity to break out of the infernal cycle of peace
and war and create a durable order of peace and prosperity. It is the privilege
of our generation to have this historically unique opportunity to make a
fresh start.
We in the Alliance are determined to seize this opportunity. Certainly,
and even with all the changes we see, age-old fears and suspicions, stereotyped
images and popular misconceptions, will not be banished overnight. But they
can be overcome. The active participation of Hungary in the Pentagonal Initiative,
and its interest in building regional stability through a new dialogue with
Yugoslavia and other neighbours testify that old divisions can indeed be
bridged. We now have a chance to spend our energy, imagination and money
on building those democratic, free-market societies that we know are inherently
peaceful, and thus our best guarantee of lasting stability, security and
prosperity.
I have come to Budapest today with a very simple message. It is a message
that is indeed addressed with equal conviction to all our former adversaries
who are now our partners. We extend the hand of friendship to you. We wish
to cooperate with you. The time of confrontation is over. The hostility
and mistrust of the past must be buried. We need to work together. Only
in this way can we build the Common European Home or the European Confedera-tion
or the new European Order, call it what you will. We all know what we
mean: a Europe of democracy, human rights and partnership in which the whole
sustains the parts and the parts sustain the whole. We must go forward together;
or we will be condemned to go backwards separately.
There is a way that leads us beyond confrontation and towards a Europe whole
and free:
- through the building of new structures of cooperation, a new European
architecture that includes all of us;
- through arms control negotiations to reduce weapons to the minimum,
and to increase stability and reassurance;
- through cooperation between us in all fields, political, economic,
scientific, cultural.
We need to look afresh at our objectives and tasks. This our Atlantic
Alliance has done, and will continue to do. At the London Summit in early
July we decided to change our Alliance in the most far-reaching way since
its inception forty one years ago. We have no interest in a confrontational
system. For NATO has a new, even more valuable role to play as a supporting
pillar of a new and peaceful order of cooperation in Europe. In such an
order military power will play a lesser role; less dominant, directed
at no specific threat or potential enemy and dedicated to the role of
reassurance against risks and the prevention of war.
How has NATO changed, you may well ask. Which concrete steps have we taken?
- We are reducing our defence budgets and scaling back our forces;
- we are reviewing our force structures, and changing our military strategy;
- we are reducing the readiness of our active units, reducing training
requirements and the number of exercises;
- we are relying less on nuclear forces in Europe and moving to a posture
where they will be truly weapons of last resort and the ultimate guarantee
of peace; we have proposed to the Soviet Union the elimination from
Europe of all nuclear artillery warheads;
- and we have offered to negotiate on short-range nuclear forces in
Europe and now that a CFE treaty has been signed, we intend to move
ahead in the very near future. Our Alliance's Special Consultative Group
has commenced its work with a view to drawing up a mandate for these
talks;
- and also, again now that there is agreement on CFE, we intend to proceed
immediately to follow-on negotiations to build on that agreement, including
measures to limit manpower in Europe.
These changes will be carried out as Soviet forces leave the territories
of Czechoslovakia and Hungary, as they have already agreed to do, and
also the part of Germany that was formerly the GDR in the transition period
up to 1994 that follows German unification. They will also be conditional
on the implementation of a CFE treaty which will give all participating
states firm guarantees against military aggression or intimidation. Moreover
the Atlantic Alliance wishes not only to eliminate tension by reducing
weapons, but also by increasing confidence and transparency. Hence our
efforts to secure a significant CSBM agreement in time for the Paris Summit
last week. The West will continue its efforts between now and the Helsinki
Summit in 1992 to achieve even more ambitious CSBMs that will make our
military activities fully transparent and restrict the scope for surprise
or unusual force deployments. We are still pushing hard for an Open Skies
agreement, a domain in which Hungary has also played a leading role. We
are proposing further discussions on military strategy and doctrine. Above
all we want security to be something that we discuss and decide upon together.
No nation these days can provide for its security alone or in isolation
from its neighbours. Nations seeking total security by their own efforts
only create insecurity around them. So we must never renationalize European
security. On the contrary real security can be achieved only through cooperation
and sharing.
This does not, of course, mean that NATO or any European nation has to
be defenceless. We live in an uncertain world with many risks and instabilities.
Indeed the present Gulf crisis has brought this home to us with a vengeance.
This crisis is not like previous regional disputes in which the interests
of only a few nations were directly at stake; nor is it only, or even
primarily about oil. If our principal common objective - which must be
the complete Iraqi withdrawal from Kuwait and the release of all hostages
- is not fulfilled, the entire international community will be exposed
to grave danger. Danger from a new energy crisis with higher oil prices
threatening the economic development of many countries, and your own in
particular, certainly; but also danger from the precedent of a large,
powerful country cynically taking over a smaller neighbour; danger even
more ominously from the ambitions that successful aggression will undoubtedly
engender in dictatorships that increasingly have access to technologies
of mass destruction.
Thus it is of crucial importance not only for Kuwait, and peace in the
Middle East, but for our common effort to create a more durable and just
international order after the Cold War that the international coalition
against Iraq should prevail. We hope very much - and indeed are confident
- that the United Nations sanctions against Iraq will work. We in the
Alliance are determined to maintain our solidarity, and we will do our
utmost to build further on the new-found effectiveness of the United Nations
as the guarantor of international law and stability. I salute the robust
stance that Hungary has taken on this issue, at great cost to its economic
reform programme, and trust that we can continue to work together until
we can prove to Iraq - and all potential belligerants - that naked aggression
cannot succeed.
Thus in the light of the Gulf crisis, it becomes even clearer to us in
the Alliance that we must maintain a secure defence and we expect no less
of other nations. NATO will maintain a mix of conventional and nuclear
forces in Europe as the ultimate guarantee of peace. Yet our goal is clear
: to reduce military forces in Europe to a minimum so that no nation needs
to threaten others to feel secure itself. A military posture that gives
maximum reassurance is possible. Our Alliance's experience with its integrated
defence structure proves this; for could any of you seriously imagine
16 sovereign and democratic states deciding to launch or support an attack?
Within our Alliance, the collective approach to defence has enabled old
antagonisms, for instance between France and Germany, to be permanently
reconciled. So this is an approach that we will seek to promote elsewhere
both through the CSCE and an active dialogue between NATO and all countries
in Central and Eastern Europe. Thus NATO's integrated military structure,
as a proven model of collective defence, can be of indirect benefit to
your security.
Our aim is a Europe in which military aggression or threat becomes materially
impossible and politically meaningless. At our NATO Summit we moved resolutely
ahead to put the structures of such a secure Europe in place.
Firstly in creating a new dialogue with your country and all the other
members of the Warsaw Treaty Organisation, whether you decide to remain
in that organisation or not. We have invited President Gorbachev to come
to Brussels to address the North Atlantic Council - an invitation that
I was able to deliver in person in Moscow last July and which he readily
accepted. Foreign Minister Jeszenszky came to NATO last June, and Prime
Minister Antall was our guest on 18 July last, the first Head of State
and Government from this region to be our guest in Brussels. Thus the
Hungarian response to our London Declaration has perhaps been the most
impressive of all.
We have proposed also the establishment of permanent diplomatic contacts
with NATO, to which Hungary has favourably responded. We look also to
a multiplication of military as well as diplomatic contacts and exchanges.
We have negotiated and agreed a joint declaration on non-aggression between
the member states of NATO and of the Warsaw Treaty Organisation.
Secondly in pursuing the arms control process with vigour and determination.
If we pushed so hard for a conventional arms control agreement it is because
we knew that it would be the key to unlock the syndrome of confrontation
among the old adversaries of the two alliances. Thus its achievement is
the
indispensable first step in building a Europe whole and free. This agreement
will lay the basis of cooperation and mutual reassurance that will enable
us to create an enduring peace in Europe. It is the secure foundation
on which the new European order must be built if it is to last.
The conventional arms control process, coupled with talks on short-range
nuclear forces and the agreement on additional confidence building measures,
will give all of us in Europe guarantees that change and renewal will
not be prejudicial to anyone's legitimate security interests. This is
particularly important in the case of the Soviet Union. Understandably
that country fears exclusion from the new Europe and is experiencing the
impact of change most acutely. So it is essential that we use the arms
control process to convince the Soviet Union that it has nothing to fear,
but indeed everything to gain from helping a process of change - that
it has done so much to initiate - to continue to its natural destination
- a Europe whole and free.
Thirdly, and most importantly when we think of the long-term future, there
is the CSCE. My visit here takes place one day after the CSCE Summit meeting
in Paris. This was a decisive moment in history, producing a number of
results which will all be key elements in this future European architecture
of peace and cooperation. A CFE treaty, and an initial package of CSBMs,
the endorsement of the results of the 2+4 talks on German unity, the Joint
Decla-ration on peaceful relations between the members of NATO and of
the Warsaw Treaty Organization; and, finally, all those new perspectives
that are subsumed in the term "institutionalization" of the
CSCE process : regular high-level consultations among member governments;
CSCE review conferences once every two years; a small CSCE secretariat;
a CSCE Centre for the Prevention of Conflict; and a parliamentary Assembly
of Europe.
Clearly the CSCE Summit has lived up to the ambitious expectations we
set for it when we announced these initiatives in our London Summit Declaration
last July. We recognized that in the fifteen years since the Helsinki
Final Act, CSCE has been a unique success story. Yet it also has scope
to do more than only its traditional roles of upholding human rights and
enhancing military trans-parency. For since the Bonn and Copenhagen meetings
earlier this year, for the first time in the Helsinki process all CSCE
states will proceed from an agreed basis of democratic and market principles.
So in our preparations for the Paris Summit, we stressed ways to strengthen
the Helsinki principles and give them more operational content: initiatives
such as the right to free and fair elections, commitments to uphold the
rule of law, guidelines for economic and environmental cooperation, and
a role for CSCE in tackling some of the problems involved in the transition
to efficient market economies. In applying very early on and successfully
to become a member of the Council of Europe, Hungary has demonstrated
that it attaches the same importance to these values as we do in our Alliance.
Our Alliance will be supportive of the CSCE process and help it to bring
its stabilizing influence to bear on the larger pan-European process.
We will be actively encouraging further steps to make that process even
more efficient in the future.
Will you, however, permit me to sound on the subject of CSCE just one
note of caution? Some see CSCE as a replacement for the existing security
organisations, some in the short term, others in the long term. I will
not comment on the Warsaw Treaty Organisation for its continuation is
clearly dependent on the free choice of its members. Yet NATO will remain
an essential supporting pillar of a successful CSCE.
The CSCE can certainly enhance security. But it cannot substitute for
the Atlantic Alliance. It does not have the means to take sanctions or
ensure their implementation. The interests of each of its members, their
social structures and value systems, at least for the foreseeable future,
are in all likelihood too diverse to enable them to act collectively to
preserve security in the event of crisis. This does not in any way diminish
the importance of CSCE as a framework for creating confidence and promoting
cooperation. It can, for instance, contribute to the peaceful resolution
of disputes between states arising from problems with national minorities.
We indeed see already how much instability they can cause in Central and
Eastern Europe. In this respect the introduction into law of those commitments
on human rights contained in the Helsinki Final Act can be a useful step
forward. At the same time, we can and will develop confidence building
measures and information exchanges that will enable us to live more harmoniously
together. Yet, in the final analysis, CSCE will live up to its promise
only if it is complementary to a strong Atlantic Alliance on which it
can rely. Consequently, it will be all the more successful to the extent
that we do not burden it with unrealistic expectations from the outset.
The existence of a strong and coherent new Atlantic Alliance is in the
interest of Hungary as much as of any other European nation. Perhaps there
is more explicit recognition of this fact in your country than in many
others in Central and Eastern Europe. It provides stablility for change
and maintains the transatlantic link with the United States of America
and Canada. This is indispensable for peace, and the freedom and security
of the whole of Europe.
Yet even such a well-established and resilient institution as NATO cannot
shoulder alone the burden of ensuring cooperation, prosperity and peaceful
progress across Europe. Fortunately for this purpose we also have the
European Community. It is the other essential component in our Western
institutional framework and it too is undergoing a process of change and
renewal in its striving to achieve an ever closer union of its members.
While NATO provides the reassuring credible means of defence through its
integrated system and the transatlantic link, the European Community provides
dynamism, creativity and the basis of an ever more fruitful economic inter-dependence.
Together with an expanded role for the CSCE and an enlarged Council of
Europe, both a strong NATO and a strong European Community are the prerequisites
for a Europe of progress and prosperity. Indeed a future European defence
identity within our Alliance will bind these institutions even more closely
together. If you leave any of these institutions out of the architecture,
it would be much less stable and efficient. Thus none can succeed without
the others. Our future task will be to make these institutions more complementary
and interlocking so that although they each have their specific functions,
each takes over where the other leaves off.
At a time when the entire international system is being transformed, no
government or alliance can fully control the powerful forces that make
change inevitable. But by working together we can steer that change and
produce an outcome in which there are no losers, only winners. I am vastly
more hopeful in this respect now that agreement hafibeen reached on membership
of a united Germany in our Alliance. This will increase stability for
all. It is the gateway to overcoming division, and to establishing a partnership
between Western Europe and the newly democratising nations which will
be a key factor in their economic and social modernization.
In short, NATO sees its future role as putting in place new structures
of cooperation across Europe that will make it impossible for a situation
like the Cold War ever to return. We want to work together with you in
helping to manage the two crucial tasks in Europe today :
- to promote constructive change;
- to provide stability so that change can take place in optimal conditions,
with diminished risk of setbacks and reversals.
Here in Budapest I hardly need to emphasize the benefits that cooperation
between us will bring. The 21st century will bring new challenges, some
of which could threaten our survival even more than nearly half a century
of Cold War. You too are aware as we are of the destabilizing potential
of such things as drugs, hunger, population growth and the proliferation
of immensely destructive military technologies in the Third World. Thus
a dynamic Europe of advanced industrial economies and technological interdependence
is not only essential for our material prosperity, but also for our security
and stability at home and abroad. Without such cohesion Europe could well
be the victim of these global challenges; together we can help to solve
them.
Although Hungary looks West, Budapest has always been for us Westeners the
gateway to Eastern Europe. My visit today symbolizes a new era; but it is
also a concrete invitation : to work together using our combined resources
and ingenuity to create a new world, a world of cooperation where none of
us feel threatened. We cannot escape the responsibility that this unique
opportunity brings. Hungary which has contributed so much to our European
political and intellectual culture, is a key partner in the building of
a new Europe and a more just and equal world order. Let us therefore make
today the start of that new relationship and work for that brighter future
with trust and imagination.

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