"Rules
for NATO Conduct"
Speech delivered by General Lord
Ismay
at the English-Speaking Union Dinner
It has been said that a prophet is not without honour save in his own
country. The presence of your Royal Highness, supported by this large
and distinguished company, makes it very clear that this aphorism does
not apply to super-annuated Secretary Generals. And my cup of happiness
and pride has been filled to overflowing by the all too kind things that
your Royal Highness and the other speakers have said about me, reinforced
as they have been by special messages from the President of the United
States, the Prime Minister of Canada, Mr. Macmillan, M. Spaak and last,
but not least, the man whom I shall ever regard as my beloved chief, Sir
Winston Churchill.
If I thought that I deserved even a fraction of the tributes paid to
me, I would be so conceited as to be insufferable. But you need not worry.
In any case, I must admit here and now that a large share of the credit
for any success that I have had belongs to my wife. That is well known
in Paris, but may not be so well known here.
I will admit that I felt a little nervous when I heard that my old friend,
Mr. William Batt, was going to be one of the speakers, because he knows
much too much about me. We have been out in all weathers together and
to many curious places. Ever since we went to Moscow together in the Autumn
of '41, the first Allied delegation to visit the Soviet. However, he has
been very discreet and I am grateful for it.
Although it is only three weeks since I said goodbye to NATO, it already
makes me a little homesick to see all the familiar flags again. But it
also makes me happy because it means that all the fifteen countries whose
servant I have been for these last five years are represented here this
evening, and because it gives me the opportunity of expressing my profound
gratitude to them for all their support, encouragement and friendship.
I had always understood that a man could not serve two masters. I can
only say that it has been a liberal experience and a joy to serve fifteen.
And I can assure you that, although I am now officially exclusively British
again, a part of me will always belong to each of the other fourteen countries
of the North Atlantic Alliace.
And now to NATO - past, present and future. His Excellency, the American
Ambassador, has asked me one or two specific questions. I think the best
way I can answer is to give him my estimate of the principal achievements
to which NATO can lay claim.
First and foremost, the primary purpose of the Treaty has been fulfilled.
Peace in Europe has been preserved. Not a square inch of territory has
fallen under Soviet domination since the Treaty was signed.
Secondly, and I feel sure that this will appeal to His Excellency, machinery
has been developed which enables the partners to the Treaty to keep in
close and continuous touch with each other on all matters which affect
the Alliance directly or indirectly. There is now firmly established in
Paris a Council of Permanent Representatives, served by an international
staff on which all fifteen member countries are represented. This Council
has effective powers of decision. It can meet every day, if necessary,
and all day. It can also be summoned at moment's notice. That is very
important in this fast-moving world. The Permanent Representatives themselves
are hand-picked men who enjoy the confidence of their respective Governments
and are kept in constant touch with all that is going on. They get to
know each other intimately and they work as a team. They are indeed one
of the happiest families with which I have ever been associated.
In order to give you some idea of the extent of day-to-day cooperation
between member nations, I might mention that in the past five years the
Council itself has had over 500 meetings, while the Committees working
under its direction have had no less than 7,000 meetings.
Thirdly, NATO has built up a shield of armed forces. As His Excellency,
the American Ambassador, has said, this is not as strong as might be wished,
but it is at least a considerable deterrent to aggression. And the fact
that proud sovereign states have taken the unprecedented step of placing
their precious armed forces under the command of nationals other than
their own in time of peace has added immeasurably to their value. The
cohesion that has been achieved between the various national contingents
has to be seen to be believed.
Finally, a degree of unity which would have been thought impossible a
few years ago has grown up between the partners at all levels and in all
spheres. This unity is the most precious and powerful weapon of the Alliance.
So much for the past and present. Now for the future. I believe that
NATO is now entering on a new phase. It is therefore all to the good that
there is a fresher and younger hand at the helm in the person of that
wise statesman and great European, M. Spaak. I am sure that the good wishes
of this illustrious company go out to him in his task.
It is the privilege of the old retainer to speak his mind to his masters.
So, greatly daring, I am going to address this parting message to them.
It is called "Rules ofr the Conduct of NATO".
Rule Number One: Do not forget that, although the Alliance was born of
fear, and security had to be given first priority, it is not merely a
military alliance of the old fashioned sort. If it is to survive it must
be strong, not only militarily, but politically and morally. It is therefore
imperative that the partners should keep in the closest touch with each
other on all matters great and small which affect the Alliance. This means
that none of you should take action or reach firm decisions on such matters
without consulting your allies or, at the very least, without keeping
them fully informed. As I have explained, effective machinery for the
purpose exists; there is therefore no excuse.
Rule Number Two: It is a cardinal sin for one of the members to do anything
which might disturb or even seriously weaken the Alliance. At the same
time, there are bound to be quarrels in the best regulated families. If,
therefore, you find yourselves at loggerheads with one of your partners,
pause for a moment to reflect that you and he are fundamentally like-minded
people, dedicated to the principles of democracy, individual liberty and
the rule of law. This being so, you can even question his judgement, but
you ought not to question his motives. That is the thought that should
govern your conduct towards the quarrel. The main thing is to settle it
as quickly as possible. Let not the sun go down upon your wrath. If you
can settle it between yourselves without involving your other friends,
so much the better.
"If you fight with a wolf of the pack,
You must fight him alone and afar,
Lest others should join in the quarrel
And the pack be diminished by war."
Above all, if there is any dirty NATO linen to be washed, do not wash
it in public.
Rule Number Three: Never relax your vigilance, unless it is absolutely
certain that the danger has passed. Remember the recent past. The Soviet
has always hated NATO: they have always tried, and are still trying, to
disrupt it. When they found that blustering and threatening were no use,
they tried new tactics. They substituted the grin for the growl, smooth
words for rough, goodwill visits all over the world for isolation within
the walls of the Kremlin. They denigrated Stalin whom, to their shame,
they had worshipped, accusing him of having been responsible for all the
excesses of the past. They did all this very plausibly and quite a number
of people began to indulge in wishful thinking - "Cannot we relax
a little?" "Cannot we now start spending our money on those
thins which bring happiness and contentment to peoples, instead of on
engines of destruction?" "Is NATO really necessary?"
It was a dangerous mood and might have led to dangerous consequences,
had it not been for the revolt in Hungary last autumn. The ruthless brutality
with which that rising was crushed showed the men of the Kremlin in their
true colours. They out-Stalined Stalin. The lesson should not be forgotten.
Rule Number Four: Do not forget that the North Atlantic Treaty is not
only a solemn obligation, but also an insurance - a collective insurance
- against measureless catastrophe. An individual may decide for reasons
of economy not to insure his property for its full value. It it is all
lost, he at least recovers some of its value, but nations who economise
in the premiums which they pay for their security, and thereafter become
the victims of overwhelming aggression, recover nothing. They loose the
whole lot. The moral is clear. You should, in your own interest make the
biggest contribution that you can possibly afford to the collective insurance
premium of the Alliance.
Rule Number Five: The North Atlantic Treaty has definite limitations.
It is only defensive and it applies only to NATO territory. But do not
forget that the world in which we live is now a small place and that there
may be developments outside the NATO area which may exercise a permanent
influence on the security of that area. NATO must therefore always have
an agreed policy for dealing with such developments as they occur, and
must pursue that policy resolutely.
All that I have tried to say can be summed up very simply. NATO must
behave like a family, all of whose members are engaged in the same business
- the business of preserving the peace and of making the world a safer
and a happier and a kinder place for all peoples. We have only to be vigilant,
resolute and, above all, united: we have only to be true to ourselves
and to each other. And all will be well.
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