Books and articles on terrorism
Qui finance le terrorisme international ? IRA, ETA, Al Qaida ... les dollars de la terreur
Paris : Autrement, 2005
Elle pèse 1500 milliards de dollars (près de 5% du PIB mondial ...). Son poids augmente chaque jour, embrassant les échanges commerciaux, légaux comme illégaux, à travers le monde entier. Sans elle, l'équilibre financier mondial s'ecroulerait ... C'est la nouvelle économie de la terreur. Au coeur du monde obscur et secret du blanchiment de l'argent sale qui fait vivre les groupes terroristes à travers le monde. Enquêtant sur les organisations terroristes et leurs ressources et moyens de financement, d'Al Qaida à l'IRA, en passant par ETA et les groupes activistes d'Amérique du Sud, interviewant d'anciens terroristes et des spécialistes de l'espionnage, l'auteur decrypte l'histoire du financement du terrorisme international. Refusant la passion tout autant que la polémique, elle se concentre sur l'economie et nous éloigne des debats religieux ou politiques, auxquels elle reproche de voiler les veritables mécanismes de la mondialisation terroriste. Magistralement construit, son récit nous tient en haleine avec la force d'une enquête policiere.
Saudi Arabia: Islamic Threat, Political Reform, and the Global War on Terror
Carlisle Barracks, PA: US Army War College, 2005
This monograph examines the emergence and progress of an Islamist threat in Saudi Arabia and the simultaneous development of other forces for political change, and assesses the strategic situation in the Kingdom in light of the regional war on terrorism.
Jones, Ronald H.
Terrorist Beheadings: Cultural and Strategic Implications
Carlisle Barracks, PA: US Army War College, 2005
Taking hostages and ritually beheading them has emerged as a popular terrorist tactic for radical groups. Using camcorders and the Internet, any group can mount an international media event at the tactical level that has tremendous strategic impact. Terrorists hope to strike fear into the populace and weaken the resolve of those who might support the global war on terrorism. The terrorists' actions also have tremendous cultural and symbolic significance for their audience. Killing hostages is not new, but the growing trend of the graphic murder of noncombatants impels us to study this tactic. This paper defines terrorism; reviews the history of ritual murder, human sacrifice, and terrorism as a tactic used by religious groups; and focuses on the cultural significance, motivations, and objectives of these groups. Historical trends in hostage taking and American foreign policy are examined. Terrorist beheadings in Iraq are described and analyzed, and political rituals in democracies and the Middle East are discussed. Finally, the paper provides policy recommendations for strategic leaders and planners to utilize as they assess and develop effective defensive and offensive countermeasures to this tactic.
The 9/11 Commission Report: Final Report of the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States
New York : Norton, 2004
Nearly three thousand people died in the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. In Lower Manhattan, on a field in Pennsylvania, and along the banks of the Potomak, the United States suffered the single largest loss of life from an enemy attack on its soil. In November 2002 the United States Congress and President George W. Bush established by law the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States, also known as the 9/11 Commission. This independent, bipartisan panel was directed to examine the facts and circumstances surrounding the September 11 attacks, identify lessons learned, and provide recommendations to safeguard against future acts of terrorism. This volume is the authorized edition of the Commission's final report.
The Lesser Evil: Political Ethics in an Age of Terror Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2004
Must we fight terrorism with terror and torture with torture? Must we sacrifice civil liberty to protect public safety? In the age of terrorism, the temptations of ruthlessness can be overwhelming. Yet a violent response to violence arguably makes us morally indistinguishable from our enemies. There is perhaps no greater political challenge today than trying to win the war against terror without losing our democratic souls. The author confronts this challenge head-on. He argues that we must not shrink from the use of violence. But its use - in a liberal democracy - must be measured. And we must not fool ourselves that whatever we do in the name of freedom and democracy is good. We may need to kill to fight the greater evil of terrorism, but we must never pretend that doing so is anything better than a lesser evil. In making this case, the author traces the modern history of terrorism and counterterrorism, from the nihilists of Czarist Russia and the militias of Weimar Germany to the IRA and the unprecedented menace of Al Qaeda. He shows how the most potent response to terror has been force, decisive and direct, yet restrained. The public scrutiny and political ethics that motivate restraint also give democracy its strongest weapon : the moral power to endure when vengeance and hatred are spent.
Fighting Terrorism : Financial and Economic Aspects
Rome : NATO Defense College, 2004
(NDC Occasional Paper 3)
My Life is a Weapon: A Modern History of Suicide Bombing
Princeton, NJ : Princeton University Press, 2004
What kind of people are suicide bombers? How do they justify their actions? The author argues here that popular views of these young men and women - as crazed fanatics or brainwashed automatons - fall short of the mark. In many cases these modern-day martyrs are well-educated young adults who turn themselves into human bombs willingly and eagerly - to exact revenge on a more powerful enemy, perceived as both unjust and oppressive. Suicide assassins are determined to make a difference, for once in their lives, no matter what the cost. As the author's many interviews with would-be martyrs, their trainers, friends, and relatives reveal, the bombers are motivated more by how they expect to be remembered - as heroic figures - than by religion-infused visions of a blissful life to come. The author moves from the broken survivors of the childrens' suicide brigades in the Iran-Iraq war of the 1980s, to the war-torn Lebanon of Hezbollah, to Israeli-occupied Palestinian land, and to regions as disparate as Sri Lanka, Chechnya, and Kurdistan. He tells a disturbing story of the modern globalization of suicide bombing - orchestrated, as his own investigations have helped to establish, by the shadowy al-Qaeda network and unintentionally enabled by wrong-headed policies of Western governments. In a final, hopeful chapter, the author points to today's postrevolutionary, post-Khomeini Iran, where a new social environment renounces the horrific practice in the very place where it was enthusiastically embraced just decades ago.
Al Qaeda's Great Escape : The Military and the Media on Terror's Trail
Washington : Brassey's 2004
When President Bush announced in a televised speech the week after September 11 that he wanted Osama bin Laden 'dead or alive', a grieving nation seeking justice and revenge roared in approval. Two years later, as al Qaeda's associates mounted almost weekly attacks against US interests and bin Laden still roamed the earth as a free man, Americans wondered why. With both the military and the media declaring the war in Afghanistan over and a resounding success, the author examines what kind of victory we can rightfully claim. Primarily focusing on the major battles of Tora Bora and Operation Anaconda, the author details how bin Laden and scores of highly trained al Qaeda fighters managed to slip unnoticed out of eastern Afghanistan, despite the presence of the overwhelming US military power that had already decimated the Taliban. To balance his reproach, he turns a critical eye on post-9/11 developments in his own profession. He charges that the Western media outlets, eager to satisfy their audience's thirst for revenge, began losing their grasp on journalistic objectivity while covering the military's pursuit of bin Laden. Blinding patriotism and an unhealthy reliance on the Pentagon's press releases led the media to portray events that did not reflect the reality on the ground in Afghanistan. Further, the author contends that to satisfy the press and the public's need for vengeance, the Bush administration aggressively pushed to achieve some early, highly visible successes, leading to a shortchanging of long-term strategy. Impatience at the top forced a rush into a war aimed primarily at 'regime change', but it left the US military largely empty-handed when it came to capturing its al Qaeda prey. Likely the most grievous error of the ongoing campaign in Afghanistan, allowing members of al Qaeda to escape, has given them the option to regroup, thereby posing a dangerous resurgent threat to US national security.
Understanding Terror Networks
Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004
For decades, a new type of terrorism has been quietly gathering ranks in the world. American ability to remain oblivious to these new movements ended on September 11, 2001. The Islamist fanatics in the global Salafi jihad (the violent, revivalist social movement of which al Qaeda is a part) target the West, but their operations mercilessly slaughter thousands of people of all races and religions throughout the world. The author challenges conventional wisdom about terrorism, observing that the key to mounting an effective defense against future attacks is a thorough understanding of the networks that allow these new terrorists to proliferate. Based on intensive study of biographical data on 172 participants in the jihad, this book gives us the first social explanation of the global wave of activity. The author traces its roots in Egypt, gestation in Afghanistan during the Soviet-Afghan war, exile in the Sudan, and growth of branches worldwide, including detailed accounts of life within the Hamburg and Montreal cells that planned attacks on the United States. US government strategies to combat the jihad are based on the traditional reasons an individual was thought to turn to terrorism : poverty, trauma, madness, and ignorance. The author refutes all these notions, showing that, for the vast majority of the mujahedin, social bonds predated ideological commitment, and it was these social networks that inspired alienated young Muslims to join the jihad. These men, isolated for the rest of society, were transformed into fanatics yearning for martyrdom and eager to kill. The tight bonds of family and friendship, paradoxically enhanced by the tenuous links between the cell groups (making it difficult for authorities to trace connections), contributed to the jihad movement's flexibility and longevity. And although the author's systematic analysis highlights the crucial role the networks played in the terrorists' success, he states unequivocally that the level of commitment and choice to embrace violence were entirely their own.
La lutte contre le terrorisme: les normes du Conseil de l'Europe
Strasbourg: Editions du Conseil de l'Europe, 2004
Le Conseil de l'Europe s'est voué, depuis 1949, à la défense des droits de l'homme, de l'Etat de droit et de la démocratie pluraliste. Le terrorisme nie ces trois valeurs primordiales et le Conseil de l'Europe est determiné à le combattre. Le Conseil de l'Europe a élaboré plusieurs instruments internationaux et normes qui reflètent l'importance que l'Organisation attache a la lutte contre le terrorisme et qui illustrent son message fondamental : il est possible de combattre efficacement le terrorisme tout en sauvegardant les valeurs fondamentales qui sont le patrimoine commun du continent européen. La présente publication contient ces textes et vise à constituer un document de référence accessible et exhaustif.
Dictionary of Terrorism
London: Routledge, 2004
Terrorism is one of the primary concerns of the modern world and is increasingly becoming a major factor in all international relations in the 21st century. This edition contains definitions and descriptions of all aspects of terrorism and political violence, including : individual terrorists; terrorist organisations; terrorist incidents; countries affected by terrorism; types of terrorism; measures against terrorism; forms of political violence; history of terrorism; and psychology of terrorism.
Bianchi, Andrea, ed.
Enforcing International Law Norms Against Terrorism
Oxford, UK: Hart, 2004
This book comprehensively analyses the suitability of existing international legal tools to enforce rules prohibiting terrorism. Contributions from leading experts in international law examine, among others, questions relating to the proper role of international law in combating terrorism, the legality of covert operations against terrorism, whether the law of armed conflict can be applied to the 'war against terror', domestic anti-terror laws and their compatibility with human rights standards, and how to regulate the internet to prevent terrorist usage. In addition, the ways in which States can cooperate to more effectively investigate terrorist infrastructures and apprehend suspects is focused upon. The interplay between different layers of legal authority at international, regional and domestic levels is also subject to review. This thorough examination of the array of legal means at the international community's disposal to enforce norms against terrorism will allow readers to appreciate the real challenges that terrorism and the responses to it pose to the international legal system.
Suder, Gabriele G. S., ed.
Terrorism and the International Business Environment : The Security-Business Nexus
Cheltenham, UK : Edward Elgar, 2004
This book was born from the editor's conviction that a wide set of contributors should provide the economic and corporate sectors with guidelines, developed from rigorous research and case studies, to analyse those adjustments made necessary through international terrorism, as known since September 11th 2001. It argues that corporate asset protection and accurate business risk assessment is vital to the longevity, and resilience of business. The volume reveals how the pre-09/11-era of contemporary economic history gave birth to a nexus of a) globalization b) increased systemic vulnerability and complexity and c) the transitions of terrorism. As a result, the post-09/11- era is one which should incorporate risk analysis audits on a regular basis, political and geopolitical risk research, the use of quantitive risk assessment and qualitative risk analysis to implement risk strategy planning, its management and appropriate risk transfer considerations. The formulated call of this work is for diplomacy and business to incorporate the knowledge and lessons of international threat, security and disaster. Their management may reveal important competitive advantages in the long run.
Al-Qaeda: The True Story of Radical Islam
London: Tauris, 2004
To most in the West 'al-Qaeda' is seen as a byword for terror : a deadly, highly organized fanatical group masterminded by Osama bin Laden. But does this tell the whole truth ? The author has spent a decade reporting from the heart of the Middle East and gaining unprecedented access to the world of radical Islam. Now, drawing on his frontline experience of recent events in Iraq and Afghanistan, on secret documents and astonishing interviews with intelligence officers, militants, mujahideen commanders and bin Laden's associates, he reveals the full story of al-Qaeda - and demolishes the myths that underpin the 'war on terror'. The author demonstrates that in fact 'al-Qaeda' is merely a convenient label applied by the West to a far broader - and thus more dangerous - phenomenon of Islamic militancy, and shows how eradicating a single figure or group will do nothing to combat terrorism. Only by understanding the true, complex nature of al-Qaeda, he argues, can we address the real issues surrounding our security today.
Counter-terrorism : Containment and Beyond
Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2004
The 9/11 attacks revealed that the transnational terrorist threat facing the US and its partners was far more dangerous than most had previously discerned. It was now clear that al-Qaeda intended to, and could threaten the West's - particularly the US' - political and military leverage, with the aim of shifting the balance of power from the West to Islam after a violent global confrontation. In that sense, the new terrorist threat is strategic, and it has led to a worldwide mobilisation comparable to that required by a world war. This paper argues that prevailing in the 'war' on terror, much like victory in the Cold War, entails containment, deterrence, outperformance and engagement. Military power is secondary to intelligence, law enforcement, enlightened social policy and diplomacy. Diplomatic engagement with the larger Muslim world is paramount as a means of denying al-Qaeda not merely recruits but the 'clash of civilisations' it seeks. The US-led intervention in Iraq, though intended to introduce democratic reform in the wider Middle East, has so far antagonised Islam and strengthened Islamist terrorism. This suggests that coercive or aggressively ideological diplomacy is unlikely to win over an Islamic population biased by anti-Western propaganda. Successful Western diplomacy will have to be discreet, nuanced and incremental.
Funding Evil: How Terrorism Is Financed and How to Stop It
Chicago: Bonus Books, 2004
There are experts who claim that terrorism does not require large amounts of money. Individual terrorist acts do not in fact cost much - the September 11 attack on the World Trade Center is estimated to have cost only $500.000. But today's global terrorism requires money for much more than individual attacks. The total cost of maintaining a global terror network is estimated to be in the billions of dollars - yet little has been said about the main sources of these very large sums. This book draws a roadmap illustrating how terrorist organizations - especially Islamist terror organizations - are funded. It exposes the most vital and venomous sources of terrorists' financial power, including state sponsorship, government corruption, and the illegal drug trade. It draws a parallel between terrorists and organized crime, and identifies their common activities, such as money laundering, fraud, market manipulation, and smuggling. The book sheds light on how these activities have gone undetected for decades while terrorists have recruited thousands to their ranks and millions to their cause - amassing fortunes in the process. It shows how terrorism works and offers realistic and pragmatic strategies to win the war on terror.
Modern Jihad: Tracing the Dollars Behind the Terror Networks
London: Pluto Press, 2004
This book propels the reader into the netherworld of illegal organizations. From the Contras to al-Qaeda, the author maps out the arteries of an international economic system that feeds armed groups the world over with an endless supply of cash. Chasing terror money, she takes the reader from CIA headquarters to the smuggling routes of the Far East, from the back rooms of Wall Street to Hawala exchanges in the Middle East. The 'new economy of terror' that the author identifies is a 1.5 trillion-dollar fast-growing economic system. It is made up of illegal businesses such as arms and narcotics trading, oil and diamonds smuggling, as well as charitable donations and profits from legal businesses. Most importantly, the author reveals the interdependency between economies run by armed groups and western economies.
Bucharest : Romanian Institute of International Studies, 2004
The book covers the entire spectrum of existing universal and regional conventions concluded in the field of international terrorism, as well as most of the resolutions and declarations adopted so far by the United Nations and other international organizations regarding different forms and manifestations of terrorism.'
An End to Evil : How to Win the War on Terror
New York: Random House, 2004
This world is an unsafe place for Americans - and the US government remains unready to defend its people. In this book the authors sound the alert about the dangers around us : the continuing threat from terrorism, the crisis with North Korea, the aggressive ambitions of China. The authors provide a detailed, candid account of America's vulnerabilities : a military whose leaders resist change, intelligence agencies mired in bureaucracy, diplomats who put friendly relations with their foreign colleagues ahead of the nation's interests. They lay out a bold program to defend America - and to win the war on terror. This book will define the conservative point of view on foreign policy for a new generation - and shape the agenda for the 2004 presidential election year and beyond.
Bounding the Global War on Terrorism
Carlisle Barracks, PA: US Army War College, 2004
The author examines three features of the war on terrorism as currently defined and conducted: (1) the administration's postulation of the terrorist threat, (2) the scope and feasibility of U.S. war aims, and (3) the war's political, fiscal, and military sustainability. He believes that the war on terrorism--as opposed to the campaign against al-Qaeda-- lacks strategic clarity, embraces unrealistic objectives, and may not be sustainable over the long haul. He calls for downsizing the scope of the war on terrorism to reflect concrete U.S. security interests and the limits of American military power.
No End to War: Terrorism in the Twenty-first Century
New York : Continuum, 2003
In this book the author draws on his many years of expertise to answer the most-often raised questions about terrorism in the light of 9/11 and the still unsolved anthrax letters. First, what constitutes terrorism? (He notes that more than a hundred definitions have been advanced). What is new about the 'new' terrorism? Why is the Muslim world the most potent breeding ground of the new terrorism? To what extent is religion itself a factor? Is there a clash of civilizations between the Muslim world and the largely Christian or post-Christian West? Is American at fault? Israel? Did European nations turn a blind eye to terrorists and the sympathizers in their midst? To what extent are poverty and oppression the causes of terrorism? What is the likelihood that terrorists will obtain weapons of mass destruction - chemical, biological, or nuclear? Why was the United States unprepared for 9/11? Why the intelligence failure? Are Islamic terrorists the only terrorists we need fear? What about other terrorists from the right or the left, ecoterrorists or anti-globalization terrorists? And finally, what is the best defense against terrorism?
Paris : Presses de Sciences Po, 2003
Volontairement les auteurs s'éloignent ici du 'terrorisme international' pour revenir a l'analyse locale de la violence. La question n'est pas 'pourquoi y a-t-il des terroristes musulmans suicidaires ?' mais : comment expliquer le passage à ce mode singulier de mise à mort de soi dans le cadre d'une lutte politique ? Comment expliquer, a l'inverse, l'absence du phénomène dans un contexte où une forte mobilisation islamiste échoue à réaliser ses objectifs politiques ? Par quelle trajectoire personnelle, et dans quel rapport au social, au religieux et au mouvement armé, l'individu entre-t-il dans une logique de 'martyre' ? Qu'attend-il de son acte ? Quel rôle jouent les organisations islamistes ? Le facteur temps est un paramètre essentiel. En Palestine, les premiers attentats suicides sont apparus plus de quarante ans apres la création de l'Etat d'Israël. Au Cachemire, la mobilisation sécessionniste n'a produit le même phénomène qu'au bout d'un demi-siècle. En Tchtechenie, ce n'est que dix ans apres l'émergence d'une résistance organisée que les attentats suicides sont devenus un repertoire d'action privilegié. En Algérie, par contre, après une décennie de violence, cette pratique n'a pas (encore ?) émergé, même si l'on retrouve des kamikazes algériens dans les réseaux jihadistes transnationaux. Deux éléments, l'un macro-sociologique, l'autre individuel et psychologique, paraissent expliquer ces trajectoires. D'une part, l'incapacité de la résistance ethno-nationaliste à produire les effets escomptés (la libération du territoire) conduit la résistance à basculer vers un islamo-nationalisme dont l'impasse, à son tour, pousse à la fuite en avant mortifère. D'autre part, l'individu qui ne perçoit plus d'alternative possible à ce qui est vécu comme une défaite absolue trouve à ce drame une issue dont il a au moins le controle et qui est, de toute facon, victorieuse : la mort en 'martyr'. Il renonce, en somme, à être un justicier ici-bas (à sa croyance en la possibilité de changer l'ordre social et politique 'souillé') pour rejoindre dans la mort une communauté imaginée : la légion céleste de ceux qui se sont purifiés, voire rachetés de leur échec (politique, mais aussi et surtout personnel) par le 'martyre'.
Nuclear Terrorism = Le terrorisme nucleaire
Geneva: UNIDIR, 2003
Since 11 September 2001, the concept of nuclear terrorism no longer seems far-fetched. Scenarios such as a suicide attack on a nuclear power plant or a 'dirty bomb' detonated in an urban area have been played out in the media, by government officials and experts - sometimes in an alarmist fashion and often generating more questions than answers. Are dirty bombs nuclear weapons? Are terrorists capable of building a nuclear weapon? Could they buy one? There seems to be widespread uncertainty concerning the capabilities of terrorists and the threat posed by them. In this issue, experts examine terrorist capabilities and means, distinguish hype from real concerns, and propose arms control responses.
Lennon, Alexander T. J., ed.
The Battle for Hearts and Minds: Using Soft Power to Undermine Terrorist Network Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2003
Although military operations have dominated media coverage of the war on terrorism, a much broader array of policy options may hold the key to reducing the appeal of global terrorist networks, particularly in economically destitute areas. These strategies involve the use of 'soft power', a term first used by political scientist Joseph Nye in a 1990 article in 'Foreign Policy' to describe nonmilitary strategies to shape international relations and behavior. This book discusses four aspects of soft power. The first section of the book considers failed or failing states as havens for transnational terrorist networks, and examines the most effective ways to build stable nations in unstable regions, including focused looks at Afghanistan and Sierra Leone. The second section explores postconflict reconstruction, including in-depth examination of security, justice and reconciliation, opportunities for achieving socioeconomic well-being, and increased participation in government. The third section then examines public diplomacy, asking whether the United States needs new policies or simply a new image to increase its appeal in the Arab and Muslim world. The final section of the book looks at foreign assistance, and assesses the potential of the current administration's 'Millennium Challenge Account' to combat poverty, increase democracy, and reduce the appeal of terror. This book presents a balanced assessment of the role that nonmilitary options can play in combating transnational terrorist networks.
Borradori, Giovanna, ed.
Philosophy in a Time of Terror: Dialogues with Jurgen Habermas and Jacques Derrida Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 2003
The idea for this book was born hours after the attacks on 9/11 and was realized just weeks later when Giovana Borradori sat down with Jurgen Habermas and Jacques Derrida in New York City, in separate interviews, to evaluate the significance of the most destructive terrorist act ever perpetrated. This book marks an unprecedented encounter between two of the most influential thinkers of our age as here, for the first time, Habermas and Derrida overcome their mutual antagonism and agree to appear side by side. As the two philosophers disassemble and reassemble what we think we know about terrorism, they break from the familiar social and political rhetoric increasingly polarized between good and evil. In the process, we watch two of the greatest intellects of the century at work.
See No Evil: The True Story of a Ground Soldier in the CIA's War on Terrorism
New York: Crown Publishers, 2002
In this book, one of the CIA's top field officers of the past quarter century recounts his career running agents in the back alleys of the Middle East. In the process, Robert Baer paints a chilling picture of how terrorism works on the inside and provides compelling evidence about how Washington politics sabotaged the CIA's efforts to root out the world's deadliest terrorists. Baer observed firsthand how an increasingly bureaucratic CIA lost its way in the post-cold war world and refused to adequately acknowledge and neutralize the growing threat of Islamic fundamentalist terror in the Middle East and elsewhere. A throwback to the days when CIA operatives got results by getting their hands dirty and running covert operations, Baer spent his career chasing down leads on suspected terrorists in the world's most volatile hot spots. As he and his agents risked their lives gathering intelligence, he watched as the CIA reduced drastically its operations overseas, failed to put in place people who knew local languages and customs, and rewarded workers who knew how to play the political games of the agency's suburban Washington headquarters but not how to recruit agents on the ground. This book is not only a candid memoir of the education and disillusionment of an intelligence operative but also an unprecedented look at the roots of modern terrorism.
Barletta, Michael, ed.
After 9/11: Preventing Mass-Destruction Terrorism and Weapons Proliferation
Monterey, CA: Monterey Institute of International Studies, 2002
Since its inception in July 1999, the Monterey Nonproliferation Strategy Group (MNSG) has been preoccupied by the spread and potential use of mass-destruction weapons, whether by such states as Iraq or transnational terrorist organizations like al-Qa'ida. In December 2001, the MNSG met in Monterey, California, to reflect upon the impact of the September 11 terrorist attacks in the United States and their US and international repercussions, and to strategize about how the United States and international community can avert terrorism and reduce NBC threats to US and international security. This publication includes papers prepared for the meeting and a thematic review of the group's deliberations.
Counter-Terrorism and the Use of Force in International Law
Garmisch-Partenkirchen: George C. Marshall European Center for Security Studies, 2002
On September 11, 2001, Al Qaeda terrorists flew two commercial airplanes into the World Trade Center and one into the Pentagon. A fourth crashed into the Pennsylvania countryside. Nearly 3,000 innocents died in the attacks. This paper explores the legality of the US response to 9/11 against Al Qaeda and the Taliban. Although States have conducted military counter-terrorist operations in the past, the scale and scope of Operation Enduring Freedom may well signal a sea change in strategies to defend against terrorism. This paper explores the normative limit on counter-terrorist operations. Under what circumstances can a victim State react forcibly to an act of terrrorism ? Against whom? When? And with what degree of severity?
Pillar, Paul R.
Terrorism and US Foreign Policy
Washington : Brookings Institution Press, 2001
In a recent poll conducted by the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations, respondents were asked what they considered the most critical threats to US vital interests. International terrorism was cited as the most pressing danger to America's security. Americans take the threat of terrorism very seriously. But is the US government's approach to combating terrorism the right one? In this important and provocative new book, Paul R. Pilar argues that, while the US government has done welll in its efforts at preventing terrorist attacks and bringing terrorists to justice, too little thought has been given to the integration of counterterrorism into a broader US foreign policy. Pillar reminds us that the vast majority of terrorist attacks and activities occur overseas and that counterterrorism should be at the forefront of the policy making process. Pillar emphasizes that combating terrorism may be better served by 'more finesse and, if not less fight, then fighting in a carefully calculated and selective way'. To do this, he argues, it is essential, that the US cooperate more fully with other governments in fighting terrorism, evaluate terrorist threats individually, and abandon counterterrorism measures that do not produce positive results.
Cerny, Philip G.
Terrorism and the New Security Dilemma
NAVAL WAR COLLEGE REVIEW, vol. 58, no. 1, Winter 2005, p. 11-33.
The reliability of interstate balances of power is declining; the capacity of the 'states system' to provide security is deteriorating; the state itself is coming under increasing centrifugal pressure from both outside and inside, from above and from below; and the reshaping of the wider political environment in reaction to complex globalization remains rudimentary and uneven. We can expect substate and cross-border destabilization and violence, including but certainly not confined to terrorism, to become increasingly endemic.
Mapping Jihadist Terrorism in Spain
STUDIES IN CONFLICT AND TERRORISM, vol. 28, no. 3, May - June 2005, p. 169-191.
The presence of radical Islamic networks in Spain can be traced back a decade prior to the attacks on Madrid in March 2004. This article intends to offer a panoramic view of the different groups that compose the Jihadist map in Spain. The activities, general profile of the members, and major structural characteristics of these networks are described. Ultimately, factors that could influence the future evolution of this phenomenon are outlined.
Terrorism and Human Rights
TERRORISM AND POLITICAL VIOLENCE, vol. 17, nos. 1 - 2, Winter 2005, Special Issue.
This special issue is based on a selection of papers presented at an International Conference on Terrorism and Human Rights held in St. Andrews between 13-15 July 2003. The primary aim of the conference and ultimately this collection of contributions is to enrich our knowledge and understanding of the difficult problems involved in balancing human rights protection and security concerns. In particular it seeks to highlight a multiplicity of dilemmas on many fronts : the conceptual and definitional problems constantly encountered in the processes of drafting national and international laws and agreements; the difficulties involved in ensuring that the rights of terrorist suspects and defendants facing terrorist charges at trial are upheld; the dilemmas involved in the vital work of intelligence agencies and the police in the prevention of terrorism while avoiding overreaction and the creation of a repressive climate with damaging effects to the rights and liberties of the public at large; the impact of emergency laws, antiterrorism laws and measures on the rights and liberties of the public at large; and the problems faced by democracies in preserving the rights of minorities (ethnic, religious, asylum seekers and refugees) during periods of terrorist emergencies.
Vittori, Jodi M.
The Business of Terror
INTERNATIONALE POLITIK, vol. 6, no. 2, Summer 2005, p. 89-93.
Millionaire Osama bin Laden might not seem to face problems of revenues and cash flows in financing al Qaeda terrorism. But like any other multinational corporation, al Qaeda has to manage money efficiently in its worldwide operations. One of the ways to thwart terrorist attacks, then, is to curb the money laundering and other sources of illicit funds that make bombings possible.
Counter-terrorism, Human Rights and the United States
HELSINKI MONITOR, vol. 16, no. 1, 2005, p. 78-87.
In the past three years, the OSCE has provided a forum for human rights concerns to be raised regarding US practices and policies relating to counter-terrorism. This article discusses the concerns raised, with a focus on the issue of torture.
How Terrorist Campaigns End: Evil or Error
WORLD TODAY, vol. 61, no. 3, March 2005, p. 11-13.
What conclusions can be drawn from the long history of terrorist and counter-terrorist campaigns, particularly about how they end ? What directions does this suggest for the ongoing United States-led 'war' on terror ? The answers to these questions may indicate that in Britain, and Europe more generally, a distinctive and historically informed approach to terrorism and counter-terrorism is needed.
Al Qaeda as a Dune Organization: Toward a Typology of Islamic Terrorist Organizations
STUDIES IN CONFLICT AND TERRORISM, vol. 28, no. 4, July - August 2005, p. 275-293.
Al Qaeda and its affiliated groups offer the analyst a highly complex challenge. The current literature classifies Islamic terrorist organizations as either networked or hierarchical. Yet, this classification fails to account for the appearance on the international stage of a new type of global terrorism. Most notably, it does not capture the structure and mode of operation of Al Qaeda as it emerged after the 2001 US-led assault on Afghanistan. This article therefore introduces a new concept - the Dune organization - that is distinct from other organizational modes of thinking. This conceptualization leads to a new typology of Islamic terrorist organizations. This typology concentrates on organizational behavior patterns and provides a framework for a comparative analysis of terrorist movements, which is applied to a study of Al Qaeda, Hizballah, Hamas, and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad.
Les reseaux financiers du terrorisme
POLITIQUE INTERNATIONALE, no. 108, été 2005, p. 407-420.
Can the West win its fight to the death against international terrorism ? This battle is no exception to the maxim that money forms the sinews of war. Networks of Islamists are taking full advantage of the possibilities created by globalization to fund their activities. After September 11, the United States adopted extremely strict legislation, the Patriot Act, which includes banking rules that require increased vigilance by financial establishments regarding the funds they handle. The European Union, unfortunately, remains much too lax in addressing this fundamental issue. As a consequence, money for terrorism has simply been shifted to the Old Continent, where 'sleeper' networks use it to prepare attacks. For its own safety and to help the West win this war, Europe needs to quickly recognize the true scope of the danger and fight the financing of terrorism with the same energy seen in the United States.
Military Ethics of Fighting Terror: An Israeli Perspective
JOURNAL OF MILITARY ETHICS, vol. 4, no. 1, 2005, p. 3-32.
This paper is devoted to a detailed presentation of a new Military Ethics doctrine of fighting terror. It is proposed as an extension of the classical Just War Theory, which has been meant to apply to ordinary international conflicts. Since the conditions of a fight against terror are essentially different from the conditions that are assumed to hold in the classical war (military) paradigm or in the law enforcement (police) paradigm, a third model is needed. The paper proposes such a model in the form of principles that should govern the activity of a democratic state when faced with terror. Eleven principles are proposed. Two are on the level of the state, including the Principle of Self-Defense Duty. Six are related to military preventive acts against activities of terror, including new formulations of a Principle of Military Necessity, a Principle of Distinction, and a Principle of Military Proportionality. Principles of Low Probabilities, Time Span Considerations and Professional Understanding are also included. Finally, three principles that are related to consciousness-directed activities against terror are added : a Principle of Permanent Notice, a Principle of Compensation, and a Principle of Operational Deterrence. The exposition of the principles is accompanied by arguments about their moral justification. The doctrine has been developed on the background of the IDF fight against acts and activities of terror performed by Palestinian individuals and organizations.
Johnson, Thomas H.
A Hard Day's Night ? The United States and the Global War on Terrorism
COMPARATIVE STRATEGY, vol. 24, no. 2, April - June 2005, p. 127-151.
This paper examines the jihadist threat and its implications for the global war on terrorism (GWOT) - a threat noted for its commitment, determination, innovation, and lethality. The United States is struggling to configure its instruments of national power to address a threat that has thus far proven unresponsive to these national instruments. The paper argues that the jihadist threat needs to be framed in the context of fundamental changes in the dynamics of the international system. These dynamics have left the United States struggling to conceptually bound and define the jihadist threat in the new security environment. This paper offers explanations for this struggle and concludes that if not successful in bounding and understanding the threat that the United States may win battles in the GWOT, but it can never win the wider war.
Dahl, Erik J.
Warning of Terror: Explaining the Failure of Intelligence Against Terrorism
JOURNAL OF STRATEGIC STUDIES, vol. 28, no. 1, February 2005, p. 31-55.
Many scholars and analysts have studied intelligence failure and surprise and developed theories to explain disasters as the attack on Pearl Harbor. Others, especially since the 9/11 attacks, have examined the rising threat of terrorism and see it as posing a particularly difficult challenge for the intelligence community. But little work has been done to integrate the earlier literature on intelligence failure with the newer threat of terrorist attack. This article attempts such an integration, by examining the bombing of the US Marine Barracks in Beirut in 1983; it concludes that most studies of the Beirut bombing are mistaken in their assessment of the role played by intelligence in that disaster, and suggests that our understanding of intelligence failure against surprise attacks needs to be revised in the age of terrorism.
The 'War on Terror' in Historical Perspective
SURVIVAL, vol. 47, no. 2, Summer 2005, p. 101-130.
Despite its strengths and electoral appeal, the US doctrine on the 'war on terror' takes too little account of the history of the subject. The struggle should be presented, not just as a fight against evil or as a defence of freedom, but also as a fight against tragically erroneous ideas. It should be seen as a means of ensuring that the societies from whence terrorism comes do not succumb to endemic violence. It needs to encompass close attention to aftercare in societies that have been torn apart by terrorism. An important aim must be the relegation of terrorists to a status of near-irrelevance as long-standing grievances are addressed and peoples can see that a grim terrorist war of attrition is achieving little and damaging their own societies.
Bounding the Global War on Terrorism.
MILITARY TECHNOLOGY, vol. 28, no. 6, 2004, p. 17-33.
In the wake of the al-Qaeda terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, the US President declared a 'war against terrorism of global reach'. Subsequently and repeatedly, he and other administration officials used the terms 'global war on terrorism', 'war on terrorism', 'war on terror', and 'battle against international terrorism'. The 'global war on terrorism' (GWOT) soon became the most often used term. This study examines the GWOT from three vantage points : (1) threat postulation, (2) the scope and feasibility of its objectives, and (3) its political, fiscal, and military sustainability.
The 'War on Terror' : Good Cause; Wrong Concept
SURVIVAL, vol. 46, no. 4, November 2004, p. 31-50.
War has come to be a central feature of the political reactions, as well as of the strategy and legal concepts, employed by the United States to wage the global struggle against international terrorism. Calling the fight against terrorism a 'war' entails some major drawbacks. First, the use of the world 'war' gives unwarranted status and legitimacy to the adversary. Second, it exaggerates the role of military operations in fighting global terrorism. Third, the United States bent both its internal judicial rules and international law to accommodate the concept of war on terror. Fourth, the connection drawn by the Americans between the war on terrorism and the concept of preventive war has worried the United States' partners and undermined the anti-terrorist coalition. Fifth, the linkage with the war against Iraq has aggravated the problem, while heightening anti-Western and anti-American feeling in the Middle East and the Islamic world. Finally, the 'war on terror' has detracted from the consideration of some urgent political problems that fuel Middle East terrorism.
Frameworks for Conceptualising Terrorism
TERRORISM AND POLITICAL VIOLENCE, vol. 16, no. 2, Summer 2004, p. 197-221.
Terrorism has been situated - and thereby implicitly also defined - in various contexts such as crime, politics, war, propaganda and religion. Depending on which framework one chooses, certain aspects of terrorism get exposed while others are placed 'outside the picture' if only one framework is utilised. In this article, five conceptual lenses are utilised : 1) terrorism as/and crime; 2) terrorism as/and politics; 3) terrorism as/and warfare; 4) terrorism as/and communication; and 5) terrorism as/and religious fundamentalism.
The Changing Face of Al Qaeda and the Global War on Terrorism
STUDIES IN CONFLICT AND TERRORISM, vol. 27, no. 6, November - December 2004, p. 549-560.
This article assesses current trends and developments in terrorism within the context of the overall progress being achieved in the global war on terrorism (GWOT). It examines first the transformation that Al Qaeda has achieved in the time since the 11 September 2001 attacks and the variety of affiliated or associated groups (e.g., what are often referred to as Al Qaeda 'clones' or 'franchises') that have emerged to prosecute the jihadist struggle. It then focuses on recent developments in Saudi Arabia and especially Iraq in order to shed further light on Al Qaeda's current strategy and operations. In conclusion, this article offers some broad recommendations regarding the future conduct of the GWOT.
Terrorism : Denying Al Qaeda Its Popular Support
WASHINGTON QUARTERLY, vol. 28, no. 1, Winter 2004 - 2005, p. 131-145.
A new post 9/11 consensus that terrorism violates the principles of the international community is emerging among states. Expanding this international norm to the aggrieved populations that terrorists claim to represent is a crucial component in the war on terrorism.
Cumulative Deterrence and the War on Terrorism
PARAMETERS, vol. 34, no. 4, Winter 2004 - 2005, p. 4-19.
The author explores the strategy of cumulative deterrence as exercised by Israel in its war against the Palestinian intifadas and suggests that, perhaps, this is the strategy the United States should be using in the current war on terror. He argues that the classical deterrence theory that emerged following the Second World War and was practiced during the Cold War is no longer relevant in the war against terror. The author cautions that although the military superiority of the United States may never be in doubt, it is the war of ideas that will determine the final victor in the global war on terror. Only through the implementation of a strategy based on cumulative deterrence will America and its allies hope to win the hearts and minds of those supporting Islamic terrorists.
Afghanistan, Iraq and the 'War' on Terror : Struggle for the Global Soul
WORLD TODAY, vol. 60, no. 8 - 9, August - September 2004, p. 7-10.
Afghanistan, Iraq and the US-led 'war' on international terrorism are at different critical phases, but the fates of all three are now interlocked. The outcome in one is capable of seriously affecting the fortunes of the others. Afghanistan has achieved a great deal during its two-year transition from a theocratic past, but is now balanced on a knife-edge. By comparison, Iraq, where the United States and its allies are both politically and militarily in serious trouble, faces further upheaval with uncertain outcomes. Meanwhile, the war on terror has lost its initial focus.
European Security and International Terrorism : The Balkan Connection
JOURNAL OF SOUTHEAST EUROPEAN AND BLACK SEA STUDIES, vol. 4, no. 3, September 2004, p. 361-378.
European security today is not threatened by the confrontation between military alliances and countries, but by new external dangers. First of all it is the threat of 'international terrorism' and its link to 'weapons of mass destruction', as well as the frequently related problems, such as ethnic and religious conflicts in Europe, transborder organised crime, illegal immigration, smuggling of arms and drug trafficking. As the war in Iraq has highlighted, proliferation of non-viable states with a risk of becoming a new heaven for terrorism is also possible. This kind of proliferation can be as dangerous as traditional proliferation problems. The existence of grey zones in the post Yugoslav space with transparent borders and paramilitary formations linked with international organized crime, displaced persons and unreturned refugees create a fertile soil for radical Islamic organisations being elbowed out from the leading European countries.
Bamford, Bradley W. C.
The United Kingdom's 'War Against Terrorism'
TERRORISM AND POLITICAL VIOLENCE, vol. 16, no. 4, Winter 2004, p. 737-756.
This article examines the United Kingdom's current response to international terrorism and argues that the response has been driven by heightened concerns of major terrorist attacks. From the enactment of emergency legislation to major structural changes within the intelligence community, the article surveys a range of measures that have been introduced since 11 September in an effort to reduce the vulnerability of the UK to a major terrorist attack. It concludes with the observation that although, to date, the UK has avoided terrorist attacks at home, it is unrealistic to expect total security.
How New Is the New Terrorism?
STUDIES IN CONFLICT AND TERRORISM, vol. 27, no. 5, September - October 2004, p. 439-454.
This article aims to challenge the dominant view that the expressions of terrorism since the last decade of the twentieth century are fundamentally new. It questions the new aspects of terrorism, such as the transnational nature of the perpetrators and their organizations, their religious inspiration and fanaticism, their use of weapons of mass destruction, and their indiscriminate targeting. It points out essential continuities with previous expressions of terrorist violence, such as the national and territorial focus of the new terrorists, their political motivations, their use of conventional weaponry, and the symbolic targeting that is still aimed at achieving a surprise effect. The article calls for more thorough historical investigations in order to appreciate truly new aspects of terrorism.
The War on Terrorism would not be Possible without NATO: A Critique CONTEMPORARY SECURITY POLICY, vol. 25, no. 3, December 2004, p. 409-429.
This article questions prevailing assumptions regarding the efficacy of NATO as a vehicle for waging the US-declared 'war on terror'. It begins by critically assessing the evolution to date of NATO's involvement in this 'war', with a particular focus on the post-11 September interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq. Having placed NATO's actions within this empirical framework, the article expands its focus to consider a series of proposals, both military and political, that could, it has been suggested, form the foundation of NATO's future counter-terrorist agenda. The article concludes by suggesting that, far from being essential to the war on terror, NATO risks its own vitality in the medium-to-long-term by attempting to involve itself in areas where it has nothing of real value to offer.
Al-Qaeda and the Nature of Religious Terrorism
TERRORISM AND POLITICAL VIOLENCE, vol. 16, no. 4, Winter 2004, p. 795-814.
This article examines the nature of religious terrorism, principally with reference to al-Qaeda. It argues that a distinction must be made between the ultimate aims and the immediate objectives of 'religious' terrorists, and that while the ultimate aims will be religiously formulated, the immediate objectives will often be found to be almost purely political. The distinction is illustrated with reference to such pre-modern religious terrorists as the Assassins and Zealots. Immediate objectives are for many purposes more important than ultimate aims. Although the immediate objectives of al-Qaeda on 9/11 cannot be established with certainty, it is highly probable that the intention was to provoke a response from the US that would have a radicalizing impact on al-Qaeda's constituency. Reference to public opinion in the Middle East, especially in Egypt, shows that this is indeed what has happened. Such an impact is a purely political objective, familiar to historians of terrorism form at least the time of Errico Malatesta and the 'propaganda of the deed' in the 1870s. While no direct link between Malatesta and al-Qaeda exists, al-Qaeda was certainly in contact with contemporary theories that Malatesta would have recognized, and seems to have applied them. Even though its immediate objectives are political rather than religious, al-Qaeda is a distinctively Islamic group. Not only is its chosen constituency a confessional one, but al-Qaeda also uses - and when necessary adapts - well-known Islamic religious concepts to motivate its operatives, ranging from conceptions of duty to conceptions of ascetic devotion. This is demonstrated with reference to the 'Last Night' document of 9/11. The conclusion is that terrorism which can be understood in political terms is susceptible to political remedies.
Terrorism and the Use of Force.
SECURITY DIALOGUE, vol. 34, no. 2, June 2003, p. 153-167.
There exist today a number of conventions aimed at combating terrorism. These treat acts of terrorism as criminal acts. However, the events of 11 September 2001 introduced a new dimension into the debate on the use of force in addressing the problem of terrorism. This article discusses whether the UN Security Council has given its approval for the USA's use of force in the wake of 11 September 2001 and whether this use of force can be justified under the right of self-defence. The article's conclusion is that the Security Council has not given its approval. Nevertheless, the USA may invoke the right of self-defence on the basis of the Taliban's support for the terrorists. However, it is important to remember that acts of terrorism ought as far as possible to be addressed through criminal prosecution. Furthermore, any use of force ought to take place under the control of the UN. And we must be on our guard against any erosion of the prohibition against the use of force in international law.
The French Experience of Counter-terrorism.
SURVIVAL, vol. 45, no. 1, Spring 2003, p. 67-97.
France has long been on the 'bleeding edge' of international terrorism. In the last 20 years in particular, it has suffered repeated waves of both international and domestic terror. As a result, France has developed, largely by costly trial and error, a fairly effective system for fighting terrorism at home. This system is uniquely French, tailored to France's particular threats, capacities and civic culture. Nonetheless, there are lessons from France's experience for other countries, including the United States. Three stand out : the advantages of a centralised and specialised judicial process; the importance of creating strong, trusting relationships between judicial and intelligence organisations; and the need to understand the interaction between counter-terrorism efforts at home and abroad.
Iran, the United States, and the War on Terrorism.
STUDIES IN CONFLICT AND TERRORISM, vol. 26, no. 2, March - April 2003, p. 93-104.
For more than two decades the United States has considered Iran the world's leading country in sponsoring international terrorism. Shortly after the September 11 attacks the two nations worked together to defeat Al Qaeda and the Taliban. By late 2001, however, the old mistrust and suspicion had resurfaced. This article examines the brief period of cooperation between Washington and Tehran in the war on terrorism. The different sections analyze the failed attempt to smuggle Iranian weapons to the Palestinian Authority (the so-called Karine-A affair), the designation of Iran as part of global axis of evil, the Enhanced Border Security and Visa Entry Reform Act of 2002. Despite strong disagreement on how to define and fight terrorism, the study argues, Iranian and American interests are not mutually exclusive. There are certain areas where the two sides can work together.
Transnational Terrorism after the Iraqi War.
MILITARY TECHNOLOGY, vol. 27, no. 10, 2003, p. 6-10.
Among the most coherent arguments raised by opponents to the US-led military intervention in Iraq was that it would, by further inflaming anti-Western sentiment and distracting attention from counter-terrorism efforts, increase transnational Islamic terrorism. This may well be occurring.
Al Qaeda, Trends in Terrorism, and Future Potentialities : An Assessment.
STUDIES IN CONFLICT AND TERRORISM, vol. 26, no. 6, November - December 2003, p. 413-442.
This article assesses current trends in terrorism and future potentialities. It examines first the presumed state of Al Qaeda with particular reference to its likely agenda in a post-Iraq War world. It then more broadly focuses on some key current terrorism trends in order to understand better both how terrorism is changing and what the implications of these changes are in terms of possible future attacks and patterns. The discussion is organized along three key questions : (1) what is the state of Al Qaeda today and what effects have nearly two years of unremitting war had on it? (2) what do broader current trends in terrorism today tell us about future potentialities? (3) how should we be thinking about terrorism today and tomorrow?
NATO REVIEW, Spring 2003, 3 p., accessed 24/04/03.
9/11 changed terrorism from what was essentially a domestic, law-enforcement concern, into an international security problem. As a result, NATO's relevance is increasingly measured in terms of its contribution to the war against terrorism. In response, the Alliance has put in place the building blocks for a comprehensive approach to the threat posed by terrorism and weapons of mass destruction, including a military concept for defence against terrorism. Allies agree that NATO should be ready to help deter, defend, disrupt and protect against terrorist attacks, as and when required. And at the Prague Summit, Alliance leaders endorsed a lengthy package of measures and initiatives, virtually all of which can be considered as designed to combat terrorism. Implementation may, however, prove problematic. Even if countries live up to their commitments, NATO will have to change the way in which it operates to reflect the requirements imposed by a new strategic environment. Moreover, many issues related to the war on terrorism remain controversial. The challenge is to achieve consensus around concrete actions to address the threats before another atrocity like 9/11 takes place.
France and the War on Terrorism.
TERRORISM AND POLITICAL VIOLENCE, vol. 15, no. 1, Spring 2003, p. 124-147.
France has had a long history of struggle with various forms of terrorism and over the past decade has achieved particular success against Algerian Islamic terrorist groups - the GIA and GSPC - with close links to Al-Qaeda. This article reviews France's experience of terrorism since the end of the Second World War and details the evolving state responses to these challenges and the sophisticated anti-terrorist apparatus that now serves the French state. It then considers the role of France in the post-11 September 'war on terrorism' and argues that France remains in the front-line of the struggle against Al-Qaeda and that the French experience has much to contribute to the international war against Islamic terrorism.
Nacos, Brigitte L.
The Terrorist Calculus behind 9-11 : A Model for Future Terrorism ?
STUDIES IN CONFLICT AND TERRORISM, vol. 26, no. 1, January - February 2003, p. 1-16.
Terrorists commit lethal acts of violence in order to realize their goals and advance their causes. They have a mixed record of success. This article explores the question whether the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center in New York and the Pentagon outside of Washington, D.C. were successful from the perspective of bin Laden and the Al Qaeda group. Although stunningly triumphant in exploiting the news media for their publicity goals and partially successful in advancing some of their short-term political objectives, the architects of the kamikaze attacks of 9-11 did not realize, and perhaps not even further, their ultimate desire to provoke a cataclysmic clash between Muslims and what bin Laden calls the 'Zionist-Crusader' alliance. The argument here is nevertheless that from the terrorist perspective the suicide terror of 9-11 was successful in many respects and could well become an attractive model for future terrorism.
Working with Partners to Fight Terrorism.
NATO REVIEW, Spring 2003, 2 p., accessed 24/04/03.
EAPC leaders endorsed a Partnership Action Plan against Terrorism (Action Plan) at the Prague Summit. In signing up to the Action Plan, which was drawn up by NATO in close consultation with Partners, EAPC leaders recognised that all countries face the same security challenges and that only by working together would they be able to combat them. Allies stand to gain because the Action Plan increases the opportunities and provides mechanisms for interested Partners to contribute to and support NATO's efforts in the fight against terrorism. From the Partners' perspective, the Action Plan helps increase cooperation among them in combating terrorism. The Action Plan may also serve as an instrument by which countries can share expertise and experience of combating terrorism. In the coming months, focus will be placed on the following areas : political consultations; information sharing; border control; WMD-related terrorism; cooperation in civil-emergency planning; information exchange about forces; and force planning.
Shultz, Richard H.
It's War ! Fighting Post-11 September Global Terrorism through a Doctrine of prevention.
TERRORISM AND POLITICAL VIOLENCE, vol. 15, no. 1, Spring 2003, p. 1-30.
Following the 11 September terrorist attack a number of media revelations asserted that it could have been prevented if only the intelligence community (IC) had acted on information in its possession regarding the impending attack. This article explains why and how the intelligence agencies failed on 11 September, and assesses the need for and viability of preemptive military options for striking first to combat terrorism. First, it describes how the IC doggedly refused to regard terrorism as war through the 1990s. Second, the authors explain that an alternative perspective challenged this orthodoxy in the early 1990s, arguing that war was changing and entering its fourth generation. Third, based on new information about Al-Qaeda, the article addresses how Al-Qaeda organized for war and how it carried it out be delineating Al-Qaeda's organizational structure, ideology, linkages with other terrorist groups and supporting states, use of sanctuary, and financial base, and then detailing its targeting, weapons and war-fighting strategy. This assessment reveals how intimately the Al-Qaeda network bears an unmistakable resemblance to fourth-generation asymmetrical warfare and not to the 1990s profile of the IC. Finally, the authors demonstrate that President Bush has grasped fourth generation warfare by advocating preemptive first strikes against terrorists in his new national security strategy.
Financing of Terrorism : Sources, Methods, and Channels.
TERRORISM AND POLITICAL VIOLENCE, vol. 15, no. 4 3, Winter 2003, p. 59-82.
Terrorism has global reach in its activities and in its sources of funding. There are manifold sources operating through methods that may be legal or illegal and sometimes even nefarious, and through routes that are often circuitous. Indeed, so-called charitable organizations are often used as a front to mobilize funds or serve as a conduit for the money. It is clear that if acts of terrorism are to be eliminated, the flow of money on which they ride must be stemmed at the source. This is one area in which stringent financial procedures and controls could be helpful. Equally important is the control that central banks must exercise in the financial sector, and the banking system in particular, to ensure greater accountability and better record keeping. Realistically, however, as long as there is someone who operates a hawala system from a back of a store, money will keep flowing. No less important is the cooperation between countries and the enforcement of international conventions. A recent article on the transfer of money in Dubai notes that the authorities counted 429 suspicious money transfer operations between August 2001 and May 2003. Of these, only 46 cases were thoroughly investigated because there was little support from other countries involved, including Britain, Switzerland and the United States. Finally, education systems that teach jihad (holy war) as the highest calling for the individual and breeds religious intolerance must be reformed.
Risks of Nuclear Terror : Vulnerabilities to Theft and Sabotage at Nuclear Weapons Facilities.
CONTEMPORARY SECURITY POLICY, vol. 23, no. 3, December 2002, p. 19-60.
In the aftermath of the 11 September attacks, increased attention focused on the possibility that terrorists may be increasingly interested in weapons of mass destruction, including nuclear terrorism. Given the changing face of terrorism, the United States and the international community have a vital interest in preventing terrorist groups from acquiring nuclear weapons or their key ingredients, plutonium and highly-enriched uranium. In order to achieve this goal, nuclear facilities throughout the world must have security and accounting systems that are able to prevent thefts or direct terrorist attacks. Unfortunately, the research reported here reveals significant cause for concern on this front. This article examines the risks of nuclear terrorism that could arise from thefts of nuclear materials and sabotage of nuclear facilities in the United States, Russia, China, India, and Pakistan and other proliferating countries.
Rethinking Terrorism and Counterterrorism since 9/11.
STUDIES IN CONFLICT AND TERRORISM, vol. 25, no. 5, 2002, p. 303-316.
This article examines what has been learned since 11 September 2001 about the nature of twenty-first century terrorism, the challenges that it poses, and how it must be countered. It attempts to better understand Usama bin Laden and the terrorist entity that he created and to assess whether we are more or less secure as a result of the US-led actions in Afghanistan and the pursuit of the al Qaeda network. The article considers these issues, placing them in the context of the major trends in terrorism that have unfolded in recent months and will likely affect the future course of political violence.
An Interim Assessment of September 11 : What Has Changed and What Has Not ? POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY, vol. 117, no. 1, Spring 2002, p. 37-54.
The author argues that the threat of terrorism is not as new as is often claimed, that terrorism reinforces state power more than it undermines it or exemplifies the decreasing importance of states, that the claims for reducing terrorism by getting at its root causes are largely tendentious, that viewing the struggle against terrorism as a war is problematic, and that the attacks of September 11 are not likely to greatly change world politics.
US Middle East Policy after 9/11 : Implications for Transatlantic Relations.
INTERNATIONAL SPECTATOR, vol. 37, no. 3, July - September 2002, p. 43-56.
The article discusses the impact that the events of 11 September has had on US policy in the Middle East, changing its attitude towards a number of important areas : the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Iran and Turkey. The author critically notes that the war on terrorism has become the organising principle of US foreign policy and, in particular, that the US administration tends to see the various problems of the Middle East through the prism of terrorism, a view that obscures their deeper roots. This attitude, the author underlines, represents a relevant source of divergence from the Europeans who instead consider the Palestinian issue a high priority. He also gives a critical evaluation of the US declared objective of regime change in Iraq, emphasizing the formidable difficulties of any plan aimed at its democratic reconstruction after a major conflict. However, the author argues that, as a result of the recent evolution of the Middle East area, its problems are likely to intrude on the NATO agenda and that greater efforts will be required to reach a common transatlantic stance. Hence he concludes with a set of suggestions on how to achieve this goal, notably by reinforcing the NATO's Mediterranean Initiative which can, in his view, provide the basis for a comprehensive Western policy of security cooperation in the area.
Counter-Terrorism, Armed Force and the Laws of War.
SURVIVAL, vol. 44, no. 1, Spring 2002, p. 7-32.
In military operations involving action against terrorists, the relevance of the laws of war, often now called international humanitarian law, is problematic. The US-led 'war on terror', especially the use of armed force in Afghanistan, raises three questions. Is the law applicable to such operations ? Should it be applied in situations different from what was envisaged in treaties? And are detainees 'prisoners of war'? A difficulty in applying law is that governments usually view terrorists, like rebels in civil wars, as simply criminal. In the bombing in Afghanistan, the US has sought to observe the legal requirement of discrimination, but difficult issues are raised by the use of cluster bombs and the continued bombing after the Taliban regime's fall. As regards prisoners, US policy was ill-thought-out; and the perfectly justifiable classification of certain prisoners as 'unlawful combatants' should not mean that they are in a legal limbo. Treating the law cavalierly causes problems, especially for coalitions. The law, however imperfect, is irreplaceable.
Redefining NATO's Mission : Preventing WMD Terrorism.
WASHINGTON QUARTERLY, vol. 25, no. 3, Summer 2002, p. 7-14.
The US senator advocates that, at the November summit in Prague, NATO should define a new mission for itself to address the foremost security challenge of our time : combating the 'vertex of evil' between weapons of mass destruction and terrorism.