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Communiqué
International Situation
- The aim of the Soviet bloc is to weaken and disrupt the free
world. Its instruments are military, political and economic: and
its activities are world wide. To meet this challenge the free
world must organize its resources--moral, military, political
and economic--and be ready to deploy them wherever the situation
demands. Our Alliance cannot therefore be concerned only with
the North Atlantic area or only with military defence. It must
also organize its political and economic strength on the
principle of interdependence, and must take account of
development outside its own area.
- In the course of our meeting we have therefore reviewed the
international situation and, in particular, the dangers to world
peace arising from Soviet actions and threats. In spite of the
dangers of the situation which are obvious to all, the Soviet
Union has made no real contribution to the solution of major
problems causing international tension. We have especially in
mind the problems of the reunification of Germany in freedom,
and the continuing anomaly of the isolation of Berlin--the
capital of Germany.
We renew and reaffirm our declaration of
23rd October, 1954 which had in view the establishment on a firm
basis of the security and freedom of Berlin. The perpetuation of
injustice to the German people undermines international
confidence and endangers peace. At the Geneva Conference of
Heads of Government in July, 1955, the Soviet leaders took a
solemn commitment that "the reunification of Germany by means of
free elections shall be carried out in conformity with the
national interests of the German people and the interests of
European security". We call upon the Soviet Government to honor
this pledge.
- We have reviewed the situation in the Middle East. In line
with the peaceful aims of our Alliance, we confirm the support
of our Governments for the independence and sovereignty of the
states in this region, and our interest in the economic
well-being of their peoples. We believe that the stability of
this important area is vital to world peace.
- We express our interest in the maintenance of peace and the
development of conditions of stability and economic and
political well-being in the vitally important continent of
Africa. We hope that the countries and peoples of that continent
who are disposed to do so will co-operate within the free world
in efforts to promote these purposes. We affirm the readiness of
our countries to co-operate for our part with the countries and
peoples of Africa to further these ends. Historic, economic and
other friendly ties between certain European countries and
Africa would make co-operation particularly desirable and
effective.
- In the course of our review of the international situation we
have given consideration to recent serious events in Indonesia.
We view them with concern.
The Working of the Alliance
- The strength of our Alliance, freely concluded between
independent nations, lies in our fundamental unity in the face
of the danger which threatens us. Thanks to this fundamental
unity, we can overcome our difficulties and bring into harmony
our individual points of view. In contrast, as events in Hungary
have shown, the Soviet bloc is held together only by political
and military coercion.
- Although progress has been made, further improvement is
needed in our political consultation. We are resolved to bring
this about. Our Permanent Representatives will be kept fully
informed of all government policies which materially affect the
Alliance and its members. In this way, we shall be able to draw
fully on each other's political experience and to ensure a broad
co-ordination of our policies in the interest, not only of the
Alliance, but of the free world as a whole.
In addition, to strengthen the cohesion of the Alliance, the
Permanent Council and the Secretary General should ensure
effective consultation, including, where necessary, procedures
of conciliation at an early stage.
Disarmament
- We recall that in the course of this year, the Western
countries taking part in the London Disarmament talks put
forward to the Soviet Union, with the unanimous agreement of
NATO, a series of concrete proposals providing, subject to
effective controls:
- for reduction of all armaments and military forces;
- for the cessation of the production of fissionable material for
weapons purposes;
- for the reduction of existing stocks of nuclear weapons;
- for the suspension of nuclear weapons tests;
- for measures to guard against the risk of surprise attack.
We note with regret that these various proposals, which would
halt the armaments race and add to world security if they were
accepted, were rejected en bloc by the Soviet Union, although
they had been approved by 56 members of the United Nations.
We regret that the Soviet Union has brought about a deadlock
in the disarmament negotiations by declaring their intention to
boycott the United Nations Disarmament Commission which had been
extended, by a strong majority of the General Assembly, to
include 25 nations.
We denounce Soviet tactics of alternating between peace
propaganda statements and attempted intimidation by the threat
of nuclear attack.
We deplore, also, that the leaders of the USSR do not allow
the Soviet populations to be impartially informed and
enlightened by the services of the United Nations at the time as
the populations of other member countries, as to the danger of
destruction to which all peoples would be exposed in the event
of general war. A resolution to this effect was adopted in
November, 1957, by the General Assembly of the United Nations by
71 nations against 9 nations of the Soviet bloc.
We emphasize that, in order to be effective, any disarmament
agreement implies adequate international control, that the
acceptance of such control is the test of a true desire for
peace, and that the Soviet Union refuses to put this principle
into practice.
We have decided to establish a Technical Group to advise on
problems of arms control arising out of new technical
developments.
In spite of the successive setbacks given by the Soviet
Union to the cause of controlled disarmament and of peace, the
NATO Council will neglect no possibility of restricting
armaments within the limits imposed by security and will take
all necessary action to this end.
We state our willingness to promote, preferably within the
framework of the United Nations, any negotiations with the USSR
likely to lead to the implementation of the proposals recalled
above.
We are also prepared to examine any proposal, from whatever
source, for general or partial disarmament, and any proposal
enabling agreement to be reached on the controlled reduction of
armaments of all types.
Should the Soviet government refuse to participate in the
work of the new Disarmament Commission, we would welcome a
meeting at Foreign Ministers' level to resolve the deadlock.
NATO Defence
- The Soviet leaders, while preventing a general disarmament
agreement, have made it clear that the most modern and
destructive weapons, including missiles of all kind, are being
introduced in the Soviet armed forces. In the Soviet view, all
European nations except the USSR should, without waiting for
general disarmament, renounce nuclear weapons and missiles and
rely on arms of the preatomic age.
- As long as the Soviet Union persists in this attitude, we
have no alternative but to remain vigilant and to look to our
defences. We are therefore resolved to achieve the most
effective pattern of NATO military defensive strength, taking
into account the most recent developments in weapons and
techniques.
- To this end, NATO has decided to establish stocks of nuclear
warheads, which will be readily available for the defence of the
Alliance in case of need. In view of the present Soviet policies
in the field of new weapons, the Council has also decided that
intermediate range ballistic missiles will have to be put at the
disposal of the Supreme Allied Commander Europe.
- The deployment of these stocks and missiles and arrangements
for their use will accordingly be decided in conformity with
NATO defence plans and in agreement with the states directly
concerned. The NATO military authorities have been requested to
submit to the Council at an early date their recommendations on
the introduction of these weapons in the common defence. The
Council in permanent session will consider the various questions
involved.
- Recognising the rapidly growing interdependence of the
nations of the free world, we have, in organizing our forces,
decided to bring about closer co-ordination with a view to
ensuring that each NATO member country makes its most effective
contribution to the requirements established by the Alliance.
Better use of the resources of the Alliance and greater
efficiency for its forces will be obtained through as high a
degree of standarisation and integration as possible in all
fields, particularly in certain aspects of air and naval defence,
logistic support and of the composition and equipment of forces.
We have agreed that a military conference should be held at
Ministerial level in the early months of 1958 to discuss progress
made in these fields in the light, in particular, of the results
of the 1957 Annual Review.
- As regard defence production, we have decided in view of the
progress already made, to take further measures within NATO to
promote the co-ordination of research, development and
manufacture of modern weapons including intermediate range
ballistic missiles.
- The best means of achieving co-ordinated production of
advanced weapons needed by our forces will be studied as a matter
of urgency. Those NATO countries whose programmes have already a
very advanced stage have offered to share with their allies
significant production techniques and results of their research
work in order to stimulate a truly productive effort in the
defence production field.
Scientific and Technical Co-operation
- we recognize that in most of our countries more should be
done to increase the supply of trained men in many branches of
science and technology. The full development of our science and
technology is essential to the culture, to the economy and to the
political and military strength of the Atlantic Community.
- We realise that progress will depend on vigorous action
within individual states and in particular on the devoted
contribution of teachers and scientists. We must increase the
provision for the training of young people in scientific and
technical subjects and must also ensure that the free pursuit of
fundamental research continues to flourish. Each of our
governments will therefore reappraise the support being given to
scientific and technical education and to fundamental research.
- We seek to increase he effectiveness of national efforts
through the pooling of scientific facilities and information and
the sharing of tasks. We must build on the established tradition
of the universality of true science. Our governments will support
the international organizations doing work in this field.
- We have decided to establish forthwith a Science Committee on
which all of the NATO countries will be represented by men highly
qualified to spea
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