Colloquy on "The European Security and Defense Identity" Madrid, 6 May 1998

"A European Security and Defence Policy" Mr Petre Roman, President of the Romanian Senate In an effort to define solutions sustainable by all involved parties, Confucius envisioned, 2500 years ago, the "midway doctrine", contending that going too far or not going far enough are one and the same. From a certain historical perspective, this wisdom looks like a challenge to many who try to define the measures of equilibrium in today's Europe through borders and institutions. Unfortunately for our times, the much sought after measure cannot, as a general rule, be determined, but - as Confucius said - it is neither exceeded, nor is it left unaccomplished. We live in a Europe where seeking for the perfect "measure", for the perfect solution to rapidly evolving events, could turn into an utopia, as long as this is not built upon the support and participation of all those feeling responsible for the value of the desired "measure". I believe, therefore, that we need to emphasize in this context the contribution that the new European democracies could bring, by joining in a new WEU identity, in defining "that measure":

The participatory format of the European security The answers a united Europe could give to potential threats to her security imply first and foremost identifying those aspirations shared by all countries acknowledging their European vocation and their implicit commitment to common values that need to be defended, safeguarded and preserved. In this new equation of European security, the main undetermined parameters concern the adaptation of Central and Eastern Europe's new democracies to the standards that have until recently defined the Euro-Atlantic security policies. Public opinion in countries such as Romania see integration into Europe's structures as a vital goal, an essential element fostering their European identity and a guarantee that their future will be governed by democracy, development and stability. The participative mechanisms WEU could offer to the new democracies in the Central and Eastern European countries confirm the truth that widening the political horizon is the foundation for any practical action directed at resolving problems and is the opposite of the zero-sum autistic approach. In order to widen the political horizon and resolve conflicts on this basis, it can be of overriding importance to set new, higher aims. Participation in the process of European integration can be regarded as such an aim. Working toward such higher aims would divert productive energies from a destructive vicious circle so that they could be used to open new political perspectives. This could lead to the constructive resolution of conflicts, especially if it was combined with advantages in the security and stability plan for all concerned. The prospective for ensuring security in Europeis dealt with by an increase of equipments and instruments the "Old continent" needs to manage crises. But it is also acknowledged that the most effective means of preventing the outbreaks of social crises is economic development and ensuring the solidity of the democratic institutions. All democratic governments, in fact their overwhelming majority - if not all European countries - think in terms of not taking advantage of a crisis any more, they reject crises. Crises only exist when they are not prevented. Solving crises is mainly a sign of maturity and wisdom. Hotbeds of crisis have to be cooled down or kept as far as possible from the core of real action. The drama of the war in the Republics of the former Yugoslavia may therefore leave something positive in its wake, namely that of having accelerated the projection of NATO eastward of its borders, making it more credible and adapted to the new security challenges. The diversity of its components and the identity of their objectives (integration, a shared European security environment) gives WEU a special role in integrating new democracies in the EU and NATO. In our opinion, the participation of WEU associated partners in the political dialogue and the process of developing the operational character of the organization will substantiate the process of expanding stability and security. To this end, the CFSP and ESDI -related activities can be enriched by taking in the WEU associated partners in the process of designing and building up a European security and defence policy. The new democracies are in fact the inspiring source of the new dimensions acquired by the concept of European security: cooperation and partnership, in response to the reality of the XXIst century. Through local cooperation a region aquires its own identity. Southeast Europe already reached the institutionalization of some forms of regional cooperation. At present new ones are emerging: the trilateral cooperation arrangements, SECI, the Action Plan for Southeast Europe, and all of them have our strong support. The Romanian view is that one of the main tracks to improve the overall situation is to assist the countries in the region in developing their bilateral and multilateral relations and building confidence. The main responsibility for achieving this objective rests with the countries concerned, but significant influence can and should be used from outside, at least to discourage extremism and to stop fueling rivalries. The recent dramatic developments in Kosovo are yet another challenge for the Western countries, neighboring states and regional organizations, one of new kinds of threats, which the security arrangements on the continent should take into account. It shows the relevant relation between the mechanisms of democracy and stability. A new form of cohesion exists now in Europe, which has further narrowed the distances between the states of the continent. The WEU has now been made subject to the primacy of European Union policy: the so-called Petersberg operations - in other words, the crisis management and peace-keeping operations that the WEU was formerly able to undertake - have now been transferred to the European Union headquarters, and new structures have been put into place, such as the rapid planning and analysis unit. In view of setting up multinational Forces Available to WEU (FAWEU), intended for WEU Petersberg - type missions (peacekeeping, search and rescue, humanitarian aid), a proposal was launched on February 24, 1997 for a Romanian participation. The units involved and their operational inventory are presented in Annex 1, and the facilities offered by Romania are listed in Annex 2. The integratory mission of the WEU. In the current context, the WEU credibility as a dynamic factor in building stability and security on our continent is shaped by the nature of its relationship with the EU. We tend to support the point of view according to which including WEU in the EU should be achieved not by eliminating the first, but by efficiently using the resources and ensuring the capability for credible and prompt reaction. Both the operational capability of the WEU and the evolution of the EU pillar on CFSP are essential in shaping a political profile for the Union, corresponding to its weight and responsibilities in the European context. From this viewpoint, the three elements of novelty present in the Amsterdam Treaty as far as the CFSP is concerned - a common strategy, a high representative and a planning cell - are pre-requisites of stimulating a reasonable compromise on the role and place of the WEU within the EU. To be precise, a more flexible approach within the CFSP to the "major national interest" clause - without denying the need for such a clause in cases that carry considerable weight for national interest - as well as a well-conceived operational profile for the CFSP high representative and the planning cell could bring substantial contributions to defining this new role and place. An increased visibility of the CFSP does not invalidate the Atlanticist vision on security, but it can rather round it out in a coherent manner: the coherence is built upon the trans-Atlantic relation administered by NATO, prolonged through the OSCE and materialized in the specific forms of action of the WEU. This consistent approach can be identified more clearly in those themes of interest to regional security for which the CFSP tries to find solutions from a trans-Atlantic perspective. The distinctive role of the WEU in these challenges is to stimulate involvement in the process of accommodating their strategies, as well as their security and defence policies, from all the countries aspiring to integration, regardless of their WEU status (observer, associate, associate partner). In view of supporting a common European security and defence policy through consolidating the operational capabilities of the WEU, Romania has put forward a proposal that, alongside declaring the forces made available by the associate Partners for Petersberg - type missions (FAWEU), steps should be taken for the involvement of the Partners in Petersberg missions by: completing the procedures for taking in their armed forces for WEU operations,and expanding cooperation in the field of armament to include all WEU countries. WEU's contribution to the rebuilding of a united Europe remains essential. In Romania's understanding, the WEU mission is to harmonize security policies at the level of a united Europe, by at least two main features: diversity of the participants and combining the defence component of the EU with NATO's pivotal role in Europe. Furthermore, unlike NATO and EU, the WEU offers countries in Central and Eastern Europe a higher degree of integration. This approach is, from the point of view of candidates to admission in the Euro-Atlantic structures, congruent with the criteria that we wish to see promoted in qualifying for the respective structures. It is a remarkable fact that the role attributed by the WEU to partner countries is consistent with the substance of "the new Atlanticism" promoted by the US Administration in relation to NATO's enlargement, namely that no democracy will be excluded from admission for reasons of geographic dimensions, geopolitical situation, or historical experience. We also note that, in the same generous line of action, the strengthening of WEU's role represents a guarantee that "solidarity" - a key structural element to the European political Union - will not be limited to the economic and social dimensions, but will also include the more vital aspect of the internal and external security. Romania's place in the new European security architecture For Romania, WEU is not an alternative to NATO, since developments within WEU are closely related to the enlargement and the adaptation of the North-Atlantic Alliance. Romania has been involved from the very beginning in creating a "police element" (MAPE) in Albania to restore order in this country. Following the decision taken by the Permanent Council of the WEU on March 31, 1998, to extend MAPE's mandate with one year, from the April 12, 1998, Romania has decided to continue her presence within the MAPE police forces' mission. Together with the other associate partner states, we take active part in the WEU Permanent Council's proceedings, as well as in its working groups (the Political-Military Group, the Special Working Group, etc.). Our option for an intensified involvement with the WEU activities is not a conjuctural one, and we have arguments in this respect that could be real assets for WEU. These arguments also consistently support our option for Euro-Atlantic integration. Firstly, Romania has already been and will continue to be an important provider of security in the area of Central and South-Eastern Europe : participation in NATO-led operation in Bosnia-Herzegovina, as well as in other international peace operations, its readiness to upgrade the presence in Bosnia beyond what we have done in SFOR. Secondly, Romania has been highly committed to and is promoting an active regional and sub-regional cooperation policy. This is based on a dense network of trilateral relations, sub-regional initiatives like the South Eastern Cooperation Initiative (SECI) and regional cooperation which includes the Black Sea Economic Cooperation, the Central European Initiative, the CEFTA. We are also participating in several multinational peace forces as the Romania-Hungarian battalion, CENCOOP, SHIRBRIG, SEEBRIG. From the security point of view it is worth mentioning that these mechanisms of cooperation comprise countries with different status. They are members of NATO and/or EU, candidates for such membership and countries that for one reason or another might not be expected to join these structures, at least in the foreseeable future. Significantly, such schemes of cooperation, if substantiated, can point out to the fact that NATO and EU enlargement are not a threat to any state, but quite the opposite, they are generators of security and stability beyond their geographical limits. Thirdly, Romania has been paying particular attention to the development of a sustained policy of good neighborliness. We have consistent partnership relations with Hungary and Poland and I will put a special mark on the one with Hungary, which evolved from historic reconciliation to genuine partnership and friendship. Our strategy for integration into the European and Euro-Atlantic security structures is simple, pragmatic and intended to be a source of consensus within these structures. We have sustained cooperation with the members of NATO and WEU, such as the Romania-US Strategic Partnership, the special relation with France and the strategic partnership with Italy, consistent military programs with the United Kingdom and Germany, enhanced cooperation with other members of the Alliance in various fields. The lesson Europe should learn from its recent tragic history is an inescapable one: in an incipient conflict, the dynamics of escalation will take over unless early, preventive political intervention measures are taken, whether by nationals or foreigners, or by regional or international organizations whose responsibilities include the peaceful settlement of disputes. This is the reason for our commitment towards the possible framework WEU could offer in the crisis management for our continent. From this perspective, Romania expresses its readiness to develop a project, hence, an "early warning and rapid reaction system" be established for future needs in the region, namely a training center and a crisis management center at the regional level under WEU auspices. ANNEX 1 Peace keeping operations an infantry battalion, a (light) armored brigade, a mountain troop brigade, a tank brigade, an artillery brigade, a transmission brigade, a paratrooper battalion and a military police company (units for training purposes), a destroyer, two frigates, two logistical support vessels, six naval (river) mine sweepers, one underwater demolition vessel, three missile carrier vessels, a surveillance river boat, four maritime patrol ships, a personnel support vessel (with dock for troops), four maritime mine sweepers, two technical support river boats, the 175 Divisional underwater combat unit, an underwater combat maritime vessel. Search-and-rescue and humanitarian operations a search battalion, a mountain troop company, a mobile military hospital, two combat aircraft wing (for training purposes), three IAR-330 316B helicopter wing, four C-130 aircraft, a special rescue mission group, a civilian protection unit, a maritime search vessel, a rescue river boat, a technical support river boat (with dock), a maritime tug-boat. ANNEX 2 Romanian offer for joint training with other countries Training fields and facilities - Cincu, Malina, Bogota, Babadag. Summer training fields for mountain troops - Predeal, Campen. Naval Academy Mircea cel Batran". Underwater training center, Constanta. Anti-aircraft defense facility, Capul Midia. Airports - Bucharest-Otopeni, Timisoara, Constanta-Mihail Kogalniceanu.