WEU Colloquy "European Defence and Security Identity" Madrid, 4 May 1998

Speech by Mr. Jos Cutileiro Secretary General of the Western European Union Mr President of the Government Presidents Ladies and gentlemen I am very happy to be here with you today in Madrid for the opening of the Colloquy on the European Security and Defence Identity. President de Puig, let me congratulate the WEU Assembly on its excellent initiative in organizing this colloquy, which will give me the opportunity in a moment to explain to you why, in my view, WEU is an essential component of the European Security and Defence Identity. To speak of identity is to speak of community, of unity in the sense of belonging to a same group, and also of official recognition of this group. An identity certainly cannot exist simply because of a joint decision to build common institutional structures and to place the resources of each member at the disposal of all. And, first and foremost, an identity cannot exist unless this edifice is founded on an identity of spirit, which constantly determines and guides the action taken. The desire for European integration is not a recent one; it has been the subject of much debate since the nineteenth century. However, the strong resolve to achieve genuine European unity is more recent. In effect this became imperative in the immediate aftermath of the second world war. The celebration of the 50th anniversary of the Brussels Treaty was a good moment to recall how, at that time, the longstanding dream of European unity became a key concept, shaped by an urgent political necessity. The Europeans began to give substance to this idea. They managed to achieve a common resolve, which was reflected in a common cooperation which, in particular, paved the way, in the field of security, for the United States to commit itself to the defence of Europe. In their turn, the Europeans showed that they too were prepared to make the necessary efforts to defend themselves. They proved that they could assume their share of responsibility in this area. Today I am struck by the extent to which many of the countries that are most aware of the need to work together to ensure stability and security are our Associate Partners; only a short time ago, these Central and Eastern European countries were physically experiencing what it means to suffer from lack of democracy, from an absence of respect for human rights. Democracy and human rights are common values that we all share and want to safeguard. For the past 50 years these values have been preserved in this part of Europe, the part generallly known as Western Europe. But let us nevertheless not forget that there is no such thing as a definitive achievement and that we must remain vigilant and equip ourselves with the means to be vigilant. Today Western Europe has become enlarged; it is no longer simply a geographical concept and it encompasses all the nations of Europe that share and uphold these common values. This union is a force and it is a guarantee in itself of stability and security on our continent. But even if some walls have collapsed, other divisions, other exclusions have emerged, outbreaks of violent nationalism have occurred. We are now living in what is called a global civilization, where localized conflicts have a direct impact on our own interests. We cannot disregard them, we cannot escape what has become our common responsibility, which must be translated into common action. Military action is not a systematic response to every crisis. There are other means of attempting to resolve crises. But if it should come to military deployment in the event of a crisis in which only the Europeans wish to intervene, it will be important to know how to make use of WEU at that moment. Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, It is clear that NATO is the cornerstone of European defence. It is clear that the European Union is the forum in which European political union can develop. As for WEU, between NATO and the European Union, its role is not always very clearly perceived. And yet, if the question of WEU's position has indeed been posed, today that question has been resolved. WEU clearly is the instrument of crisis management available to Europeans for operations in which the North Americans would not wish to become directly involved. Similarly, if WEU's lack of operational capabilities has indeed been a problem in the past, that is no longer the case today. WEU has equipped itself with a Planning Cell, a Situation Centre, a Satellite Centre, and in a few months' time it will set up a military committee. For its operations, it may, on a case-by-case basis, call on NATO assets and capabilities. All this has gone beyond the stage of concepts; it is now a reality. We do not have to wait for major political decisions to be taken for WEU. These decisions have already been taken. We are now at the stage of consolidating both our operational capabilities and our relations with NATO and the European Union. Moreover, and this is a fundamental point, WEU has developed with full support from our American Allies. Some friction does, indeed, at times arise in the relations between Americans and Europeans; here I am thinking in particular, as far as our operational capabilities are directly concerned, of the reticence of the Americans when the creation of a European Corps was first proposed. But we have passed that stage. In 1994, the North Atlantic Council gave its full support for the development of the European Security and Defence Identity and clearly established that NATO and WEU must not compete but must complement one another. Various speakers in this colloquy will cover WEU-NATO relations, and especially the concept of CJTFs and multinational forces, in greater detail. For my part, I should simply like to stress that today WEU is ready to act, if required, provided that the political will is there. WEU does not need yet one more reactivation, or further reflection on its role; luckily we are now beyond that stage. I believe that WEU requires above all to be more widely known and better understood; and I am not talking of the general public. I mean that the deciders and the opinion makers must be familiar with WEU. It is important for them to be informed of what WEU is and what it is not. Let me begin with the latter. WEU is not an alternative to NATO. WEU is not a crisis prevention tool. It is true that, when 28 countries are sitting round the same table and all are becoming increasingly involved, in very practical terms, not only in WEU's political activities, but also in WEU's operational activities, this constitutes a guarantee of security; it can thus be considered as a factor preventing certain crises, but definitely not all, and in any case, the concept of crisis prevention is much broader than that. Finally, I reiterate that WEU is not an organization looking for a role to play. WEU's mission is today perfectly clear. WEU is a crisis management tool that is operational, as of now, and Europeans can call on it for European-led operations. As such, WEU, born of Europeans' determination to take their share of the security and defence burden, is the organization through which Europeans can today demonstrate, if necessary by acts, that this determination is still there. Using WEU for crisis management operations is tantamount to strengthening the European security and defence identity, giving priority to expressing European unity, and thus countering any backsliding down the slippery path to "re-nationalization" which may result from coalitions of the willing. We have advanced considerably in building Europe. Although political union has not made as much progress as economic and monetary union, important milestones have been reached and fundamental decisions taken. Above all, we must not look back. The price of retreat could be heavy indeed. On the contrary, we must learn to develop and strengthen what has been achieved so far and take advantage of what already exists. The institutional structures are in place, as are the means. It is true that they can be improved, but they are there. Let us show that the spirit of identity is alive and well; without it, the finest of edifices would serve no useful purpose. Thank you for your attention.