|
The situation in Central and Eastern Europe:
The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 has unleashed profound political and economic changes in many of the Eastern and Central European countries. The commitment of these countries on a democratic way and the access to the free market economy involved also changes to their audiovisual systems, sometime radical ones. An important advantage of this process is, for the broadcasting domain in this area, the huge extension of choice-possibilities for programmes and stations. There are also some disadvantages. Maybe one of the most important is the sometime poor quality of the programmes. Almost all the new private radio stations born since 1989 are broadcasting mostly English and American music and some of them small talk-shows and utility information. Very few are broadcasting serious political, economic and social news, as required by this dificult transition-period through which Central and Eastern European countries are passing. This is why public broadcasters in the area, with their huge experience and wide range of programmes - provided for as many as possible social, ethnic, religious and linguistic groups, with their highly qualified staff, and their extended penetration into territory, are required to go ahead, even if, or mainly because their audience is slightly declining (to the benefit of the private commercial radio stations).
Throughout Central and Eastern Europe, Parliaments have been groping to define the place of the press in a democracy. Not a single one has come up with a satisfactory and comprehensive solution from the standpoint of press freedom and democracy. In many of the new would-be democracies, there have been so many generally unsatisfactory drafts of press laws that even those most directly involved in the process lost count. When a continuing struggle over press laws left legal vacuums and a lack of clarity, the opportunity has been there for governmental backsliding and arbitrariness, as in the cases of government leaders removing the heads of radio and television in Hungary and Russia.
The perplexity of the region's lawmakers towards media laws and the questionable approaches they are prepared to adopt demonstrates just how much the basic communist approach to the press has affected the thinking even of aspiring democrats. For example, when the Polish Parliament proclaims that Polish broadcasting "should respect the Christian value system," it shows that the communists succeeded in persuading their most ardent adversaries that they should consider the press a tool to be used for some purpose.
The Polish broadcast law of December 1992 goes beyond even this widely remarked upon call to adhere to Christian values, stating: "Broadcasts may not advocate activities contrary to the law or to the interests of the Polish state, or [express] attitudes and opinions contrary to morality and the general interest." By the summer of 1993, Poland was one of only four former Soviet Bloc countries that have managed to pass new broadcast laws, along with the former Czech and Slovak Federal Republic, Latvia and Romania.
Elsewhere, countries have been managing with the old communist legislation, which allows governments to act arbitrarily because changed conditions have left legal vacuums. Even in the Czech Republic, the former communist country where experts say one finds the best understanding of press freedom, the government abandoned its attempts to pass a press law after journalists objected to a draft containing restrictions on the press so complex that its framers never got around to outlining its freedoms.
And the case was similar in Romania and in most other countries where the Parliaments are in the same disarray regarding press laws, stuck in various draft stages. In Hungary, the requirement that any press legislation be passed by a two-thirds majority means there it may never be a law. This, however, has not prevented the government from vetoing foreign investors in the press whom the new power structures fear might be politically hostile.
Nor has it prevented Hungary's Prime Minister at the time, Josef Antall, from stating his apparently sincere frustration that a press in a new democracy does not automatically support his democratically elected government. In this, the observers say, he is not much different from a number of his colleagues in the West (Mr. Jacques Chirac, former Prime Minister of France and currently President of the country is one of the examples).
In the context of this situation it is usefull to specify that in 1987, journalists from 34 countries held a World Conference on Censorship in London. They approved a Charter for a Free Press enjoining governments to respect the Universal Declaration for Human Rights and to refrain from the kinds of practices that were used to throttle freedom of expression under totalitarian rule. Formally adopted by a long list of international free-press organizations, its 10 points are not a corporatist plea, but a collective appeal by journalists as citizens to all governments that, for freedom's sake, they should keep their hands off the press.
The Charter for a free press
A free press means free people. To this end, the following principles, basic to an unfettered flow of news and information both within and across national borders, deserve the support of all those pledged to advance and protect democratic institutions.
- Censorship, direct or indirect, is unacceptable; thus laws and practices restricting the right of the news media freely to gather and distribute information must be abolished, and governmental authorities, national or local, must not interfere with the content of print or broadcast news, or restrict access to any news source.
- Independent news media, both print and broadcast, must be allowed to emerge and operate freely in all countries.
- There must be no discrimination by the governments in their treatment, economic or otherwise, of the news media within a country. In those countries where government media also exist, the independent media must have the same free access as the official media to all material and facilities necessary to their publishing or broadcasting operations.
- States must not restrict access to newsprint, printing facilities, and distribution systems, operation of news agencies, and availability of broadcast frequencies and facilities.
- Legal, technical, and tariff practice by communications authorities that inhibit the distribution of news and restrict the flow of information are condemned.
- Government media must enjoy editorial independence and be open to a diversity of viewpoints. This should be affirmed in both law and practice.
- There should be unrestricted access by the print and broadcast media within a country to outside news and information services, and the public should enjoy similar freedom to receive foreign publications and foreign broadcasts without interference.
- National frontiers must be open to foreign journalists. Quotas must not apply, and applications for visas, press credentials and other documentation requisite for their work should be approved promptly. Foreign journalists should be allowed to travel freely within a country and have access to both official and unofficial news sources, and be allowed to import and export freely all necessary professional materials and equipment.
- Restrictions on the free entry to the field of journalism or over its practice, through licensing or other certification procedures, must be eliminated.
- Journalists, like all citizens, must be secure in their persons and be given full protection of law. Journalists working in war zones are recognized as civilians enjoying all rights and immunities accorded to other civilians.
Bearing in mind all these situations and ideas I am setting out to my study in which I am comparing the public service radio experience of Western Europe with the traditions existing in this field in Central and Eastern European countries. I do this in order to give the readers of these lines the possibility to create themselves a comprehensive image of the problems raised by the public radio broadcasting. I also dedicate my work to those in Central and Eastern Europe who want to find out how can public service radio in this area improve its performances and catch up with the highest European and world standards.
For achieving these goals I studied facts and situations in three Western countries - France, Denmark, and United Kingdom, and in five Eastern European countries - Romania, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Poland and Bulgaria. With some radio broadcasters from these countries I had direct contacts myself, and for the others I carried out my research in the Archives of the European Broadcasting Union - EBU, in Geneva - Switzerland. Of course, I took the opportunity to also study the organization and the functioning of the EBU.
The idea for the subject of my research has come to me from a declaration published in 1993 by the European Broadcasting Union under the title: "Why public service broadcasting. Public service broadcasting: Europe's opportunity."
|