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Ukraine And European Security - International Mechanisms
As Non-Military Options For National Security Of Ukraine.

Bohdan Lupiy
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Concluding Remarks

The analysis of this study through dimensions of national security complex, existing trends in Ukrainian foreign and security polies allows to interpret that being on the path of recent economic and political reforms, Ukraine still desperately seeks for credible strategy to deal with its security challenges and needs appropriate international support.

In this regard, the study suggests Ukraine's participation in international establishments and eventual integration to them, as only efficient way to address Ukraine's security unsteadiness.

The study also demonstrates the "evolutionary" approach of Ukraine's way of integration with Western European establishments, as an effective tactic for country's foreign and security policies for the most visible forecast to reach this goal. As according to the paper's methodology, this approach presumes uninvolved position of Ukraine during the transitional period, but in close cooperation with NATO, EU, CIS and other regional organizations through individual programmes (like "16+1" model or special "1+1" program within NATO frame, network of agreements of Partnership and Cooperation with EU, status of Associated Partner in the CIS, etc).

Ukrainian state is obliged to take considerable unilateral steps to safeguard the inviolability of its borders and to maintain domestic order. The extensive use of international proceedings, can help to ensure that these aims are pursued without breaking of the internationally accepted norms.

In this respect, the Organization on Security and Cooperation in Europe seems to be one of the most suitable establishments to accomplish this task. This supposition is also proven by the fact that, with connection to various procedures, mechanisms and missions, the participants of OSCE have already showed some willingness to become involved in the problems facing by Ukraine. As the study suggests, to energize this treat and gain real advantage of participating in this organization, Ukrainian leadership, should realize a vital task - take an active stance in the reformation of Organization.

In broad terms OSCE participation means accountability for behaviour in foreign and domestic relations to commitments agreed by Participating States. For Ukraine it also appears to have all the attributes of a platform, on which it can deal constructively with issues affecting its national security on equal base with other states. And by giving Ukraine the reason to have an equal voice in a European security dialogue, the OSCE participation perhaps will significantly smooth the way for forthcoming NATO enlargement and will remain to be one among few available channels for constructive and balanced dialogue with Russia. The modernization within the OSCE framework, especially made by Helsinki and Budapest Follow-Up meetings also provide the prospects for further institutionalization and could also be a point of the eventual creation of a treaty-based international organization in Europe. Recent innovations give at least a room to hope so.

Ukraine's admission to the Council of Europe, will also unquestionably play an important role in the development of respectable international image of Ukraine, as new democracy in Europe. It should also contribute to the elaboration of vitally-important domestic legislation and assist Ukrainian leaders in the process of nation-building.

Besides a practical opportunity to establish closer links with NATO in military-political field, participation in the North Athlantic Council and Partnership for Peace engages Ukraine in multilateral activity among countries, which addresses Ukrainian issues of concern and help to identify potential problems, which can then be addressed and resolved before their acceleration. It is true for every angle of state security, including such modern parameters, as protection of environment, which increasingly transcend national borders today and can be addressed effectively only at the international level.

Throuh participation in the NATO cooperative framework as a neutral state, Ukraine should also support Central and Eastern European states in their entering of NATO. Algthough, one can theotheretize, that posible membership of these states would initually undermine their ties with Ukraine, that will be a short term process if Kiev to follow a proper approach to the process of Alliance's enlargement - counting on national interests of Central and Eastern European states, Ukraine in return, would also receive a political promotion from these countries, as it was already proved by Czech political support to Ukraine in entering of the Council of Europe, as well as in developing of Ukraine's bi-lateral relations with these states.

The preceding chapters have briefly, but concretely shown the feasibility of the European Union and international financial institutions playing a crucial role in strengthening of Ukrainian security. Algthough, it was also admitted, that Kiev has met several difficulties in obtaining Western financial and technical support, these organizations seem to continue their assistance to Ukraine. And while away in longer-run, Ukraine's future will be largely shaped by decisions made within these establishments, to gain the necessary support Ukraine should pass the period of significant reformation.

It is foremost, because Ukraine still presents for many Western states the problem of predictability. And if Ukrainian leaders to accept realist approaches to the implementation of effective policy, and that "adherents of the Realist school assume that all countries operate as unitary actors and that domestic politics can be subsumed under the struggle for international security"(338) and foremost, for national interests, there is an urgent need for Ukraine to continue the process of country's economic and political reformation.

Thus, in parallel with its active contribution to the processes of international organizations, considerable steps should be taken on domestic field, which will also settle a majority of Ukrainian internal problems with removal of the disastrous communist heritage, especially its economic consequences. In that sense, Ukrainian people look at their elite. They naturally seem to be more dissatisfied, when economic and social problems are multiplying and the politicians appear to make no progress in dealing with them. At the same time, the lack of consensus between elites adds to the big amount of problems they have to deal with. It is a historically proved fact that if democratic elite is so divided among itself, that it cannot work out a reasonable solution to the political and socio-economic affairs of society, the masses have little alternative, but to follow counter-elites, offering counter-options, and in Ukrainian case pro-Communist remedies to the current economic, political and social ills of the country.

In addition, still existing Soviet-age Constitution and unclear Foreign and Security Policies' Concepts contains several contradictions and omissions, which noticeably hamper all policy proceedings, within and outside Ukraine.

The first steps to improve the situation have already been taken, through adoption of the so-called 'Small Constitution' in 1995, but still an unobjectionable foreign and security policies, as well as curent strategic focus would outcome in Ukraine status of insignificant country on international fora.

For instance, still existing concept of Ukraine as a "bridge" (but not a buffer) between Russia and Western Europe would also not be so profitable as one can imagine. As European history has proved, it has never been worked, if just to remember attempts of Czechoslovak President Edvard Benes to build a "bridge" between Germany and the East in late 1930th. One can also argue that today's situation can not be compared to that of the pre-World War 2, nevertheless, it is at least Russia and the West, who will decide though which way to build a bridge (if one is needed) - Baltic, Belarussian or Ukrainian.

Thus, together with country's economic reform, the formation of the definite country's guidelines for Foreign and Security policies should be the main constituents of the further strategy of Kiev.

To summarize all above-said - the success of the Ukraine's future largely depends on the ability of the current Ukrainian leadership to comply with three requirements: promotion of further country's political and economic reformation, generation of the credible political foundation, through adoption of Constitution, strengthening of state legislative basis and development of comprehensive foreign and security policy's guidlines and dynamic participation in the international organizations and processes through strong diplomatic foundation with broad arrangement of agreements, which would give Ukraine the basic ground for establishing solid position in international environment.

The fulfilment of these conditions will create a favourable environment for Ukraine at the international fora as well as give a considerable integrative basis for domestic affairs. Such an approach to the national security will naturally act as an stimulus for the consolidation of a more practical balance between the various instruments, with which a state secures its objectives, making Ukraine better prepared to deal with the threats to its national security.

In this way, the national security of Ukraine will be in the considerable degree protected for period of necessary transition, which will alow country's leadership to create a really democratic and prosperous state at the geographic heart of Europe.

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