At the Law Faculty, University of Zagreb, Croatia 23 Feb. 2006

Speech by the Deputy Secretary General, Alessandro Minuto Rizzo Ladies and Gentlemen, It gives me great pleasure to speak to you today, and I would very much like to thank the University of Zagreb for this kind invitation. Some time ago, Croatia made the political decision that it wants to join NATO as a full member. This is an ambitious goal, and Croatia and NATO are working closely together in order to achieve it. Later in my remarks I will give you an update on where we stand with this work. But the main focus of my remarks today is not about the status of Croatia’s preparations for membership. Rather, it is on the larger aim itself. What does it mean to be a member of NATO? In my many visits to this region I have gained the impression that far too few people really understand NATO. And all too often that lack of understanding is being compensated for by clinging to false impressions, prejudices and half-truths. So what exactly is the Alliance of 26 Euro-Atlantic nations that Croatia has set out to join? What will membership of NATO bring to your country? Let me begin by saying that NATO is a very unique institution. It not only features a political consultation and decision-taking mechanism, but also an integrated multinational military structure to carry out these political decisions. Over time, this structure has grown into a complex web of political-military relationships. NATO's political consultation process is sometimes perceived as very slow and cumbersome. But it has distinct advantages. It creates a sense of predictability. And it creates a pre-disposition among Allies – big and small – to seek common solutions. So even if it sometimes difficult to achieve the necessary consensus, it is worth going through the exercise. Because the agreement of every member nation ensures that a decision will be carried through. The military structure of NATO is also unique. It has led to a historically unprecedented degree of military interoperability among nations, with soldiers from member states exercising along common military doctrines, and communicating in the same language. Another feature of NATO is its North American dimension. There simply is no other forum that brings Americans, Canadians and Europeans closer together. But to conclude from this that NATO is all about the United States would be missing the point. The transatlantic link works both ways. Through NATO, the U.S. can make its voice heard in Europe. And we Europeans, in turn, use NATO to get our perspectives across to Washington. These unique characteristics continue to make NATO a very solid and effective organisation. But the real glue that holds this Alliance together is not structures and bureaucracies. It is not even a common threat. Rather, the glue that binds the Allies together is common values – values such as pluralism, freedom, democracy, and tolerance; values that were never dependent on the Soviet threat, and which therefore remain a powerful glue long after the Soviet threat has disappeared. We cannot take these values for granted. They need to be defended. This was brought home to us very forcefully when Yugoslavia collapsed at the beginning of the 1990s. And it was again brought home to us when planes hit the World Trade Center at the dawn of the 21 st century. Values are vulnerable. And one way to protect them is through NATO. Since the end of the Cold War, the Alliance has become a very flexible, creative – and very effective – instrument for shaping change. It is no longer a passive organisation, geared exclusively towards deterrence. On the contrary, NATO today is an Alliance in action. Because it is only through action, rather then through words, that we can protect our values. And it is only through a policy of engagement that we can also promote our values more widely. Our operations are the most visible manifestation of our policy of engagement. It is because NATO got engaged, that the Balkans are largely at peace today, and the countries of the region on their way to an integrated Europe. NATO stopped the bloodshed in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and prevented potentially bloody conflicts in Southern Serbia and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia *. NATO stopped and then reversed the ethnic cleansing in Kosovo, and its presence there continues to provide the safe environment on which any political progress ultimately depends. And we continue to engage all the countries of the region – by offering them advice and assistance, and, of course, by keeping open the door to NATO membership. NATO has also assumed a major role in bringing back security, stability and democracy to Afghanistan, and making sure that it will never be a safe haven for terrorists again. Today, Afghanistan is no longer under the Taliban boot, and Al Qaida is on the run. NATO is extending its presence to the South of the country, to bring stability there as well and help the Government of President Karzai to assert its authority. We know that is a more dangerous part of the country, but we are determined to see our mission through, even under difficult circumstances. Last year we provided security for the elections – elections that have enabled the people of Afghanistan to have a say in their own future. And to me, this is a perfect example of how our security interests and our values converge. NATO also runs a mission to train Iraqi security forces, in order to help the Iraqi authorities in providing basic security for their people. We may once have disagreed about the wisdom of going to war against Iraq, but today all 26 NATO Allies are united. United in our desire to see a stable democratic Iraq emerge as soon as possible, and determined to play our part in making that happen. More recently, NATO has also undertaken three very different missions. We have supported the African Union in their peacekeeping effort in Darfur. And we have conducted humanitarian relief operations to help the victims of hurricane Katrina and of the earthquake that struck Pakistan last October. Of course, NATO is not a humanitarian organisation, nor should it become one. But if we are asked to help, be it by an Ally, the United Nations and the African Union, or by the Pakistani Government, and if we have the means to help, then we cannot ignore such a plea. To me, this is simply another contribution to an international order that is based on shared values. NATO’s operations are one important part of our values-based security policy. But they are not the only one. Because the best way to safeguard our values is by nourishing them – by upholding our values at home, and advocating them abroad. By believing in the power of open, democratic systems and liberal economic systems. By encouraging other countries to open up their societies too. And by lending them advice and assistance if they so request. NATO has acted in line with this logic, as well. Over the past fifteen years, the Alliance has built up a wide network of security relationships – all over Europe and into Central Asia. Through this network of security relationships, we have not only been able to promote our values. We have also fostered a genuine Euro-Atlantic security culture – a strong disposition to tackle common security problems by working together. And we have greatly improved our ability to cooperate in meeting such common challenges. NATO’s enlargement process is another perfect case where our values and our security interests converge. This enlargement process has enhanced our own security by extending it to others. It has extended a unique zone of security throughout our continent. NATO’s enlargement process has given – and continues to give – our neighbours new confidence in their own future, and a strong incentive to reform. And in so doing, it enhances prosperity and security for us all. This logic of integration through NATO enlargement remains as valid as ever. It remains particularly valid here in Southeast Europe, because I strongly believe that for this region, Euro-Atlantic integration offers the only feasible way forward. At the outset of my remarks, I promised you a status report on Croatia’s preparations for membership. So here it is. There is no doubt that Croatia has made great strides toward NATO membership. One important step was the full cooperation with the ICTY to ensure the handover of Ante Gotovina to The Hague. This has removed a major obstacle to Croatia’s membership aspirations. But Croatia has also made progress in the framework of the Membership Action Plan – or MAP, as we call it. This requires aspirant countries to set clear and measurable objectives across a wide range of issues, including the consolidation of democratic institutions, the strengthening of the rule of law and the improvement of good neighbourly relations. The MAP remains the key instrument for aspirant members, such as Croatia, Albania and Macedonia, to move closer to NATO. This will enable you to benefit from the Alliance’s support and guidance in order to complete reforms in key areas; to stay abreast of the reforms which NATO itself is going through; and to ensure that you will be able to make a meaningful contribution to the Alliance, as soon as you get on board. Croatia has already made great progress in implementing far-reaching political and economic reforms. But in this process of continued preparation, there are some areas where Croatia must continue to focus its efforts. One of these areas is defence reform. Your current plans are solid. If they are fully implemented, Croatia will be moving in the right direction. So it all comes down to implementation. Other areas of interest are the reform of the judiciary and the fight against corruption and organised crime, as well as the completion of refugee returns. And I should also mention the need for the full establishment of a professional, depoliticised civil service. Civil servants are the backbone of a state and guarantee continuity in the work of the state administration; it is therefore in the interest of every country to have a competent, apolitical civil service. Civil servants should not be party followers, but should be impartial. So there still is work to do. But let me tell you that the 26 Allies have looked at Croatia’s efforts to date favourably. The same holds true for Croatia’s engagement in regional cooperation. Croatia’s relations with all of its neighbours have steadily improved, and I hope that the remaining bilateral issues may be solved in a spirit of cooperation. And Croatia’s cooperation with the other two NATO aspirants in the framework of the Adriatic Charter has been exemplary. Last but not least, Croatia has also contributed personnel to the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan. This is a truly valuable contribution. It demonstrates that Croatia shares our view that security today requires active engagement and solidarity. And it is another indication that Croatia, once it joins the Alliance, is going to be a reliable and active NATO member. So what does this all add up to? When can Croatia expect an invitation by the 26 NATO Allies to join the team? I will give you the same answer that I gave earlier in my meetings at the Foreign and Defence Ministries here in Zagreb: It is too soon to tell. Some here in Croatia have expressed the hope that an invitation may be forthcoming in November, when NATO Heads of State and Government will meet for a Summit in Riga. But the NATO enlargement process has never been driven by any artificial deadlines. It was, is, and remains a performance-based process. And as I just pointed out, some work still needs to be done. But let me also very clearly state this: once a country has done what we expect from it, NATO will keep its own part of the deal – and open its doors. This means that Croatia’s accession to NATO is clearly no longer a question of “if”, but only of “when”. This, in a nutshell, is the new NATO. An Alliance of independent democracies, consulting and co-ordinating their positions on the key strategic issues of the 21 st century. Pooling their individual military capabilities to create a strong and capable defence community. Meeting common threats together. And shaping the strategic environment in ways no single country could ever hope to achieve on its own. That is the community Croatia is aspiring to join. To obtain the security guarantee of collective defence. To participate in one of the world’s pre-eminent peace making forces. And to be granted a full, equal voice at the table of leading Euro-Atlantic democracies. Ladies and Gentlemen, In many respects, the origins of NATO’s transformation after the end of the Cold War lie here in Southeast Europe. It was Yugoslavia’s collapse that forced NATO to assume a role it had never before contemplated – that of crisis manager and peacekeeper. NATO’s Balkan involvement shaped NATO’s own evolution in critical ways, perhaps more than any other outside event. And NATO’s involvement, in turn, shaped the political reality here in the region in many different ways. All this has led to a unique relationship between NATO and the countries of Southeastern Europe, including Croatia. It is a solid and trustful relationship – a relationship that will only grow deeper as we continue to move together towards Croatia’s membership in NATO. Thank you. * Turkey recognises the Republic of Macedonia with its constitutional name.