WEB EDITION No. 2 - Mar 1995 Vol. 43 - pp. 15-19	Austria's role in the new Europe Alois Mock, Foreign Minister of Austria
	In becoming a member of the European Union, Austria has also accepted the objective of the Common Foreign and Security Policy and sees no contradiction between its participation in an eventual CFSP and the core elements of its neutrality law. Austria has also decided to participate in the Partnership for Peace initiative and remains committed to strengthening the OSCE and making it as effective as possible. Austria's approach to European security is based on the conviction that, in the new European situation, security cannot be assured through self-isolation but only through common efforts and shared responsibility. Austria's accession to the European Union on 1 January 1995 marked the culmination of a political course which has been consistently pursued for more than 40 years. Already, in the early 1950s when the European Coal and Steel Community was established, the Austrian government welcomed this innovative approach towards building a new, solid foundation for peace in Europe. As long as the East-West division of Europe persisted, Austria's neutral status - the price for regaining her full sovereignty in 1955 - was generally perceived as an obstacle to our full participation in this process. This did not, however, prevent Austria from establishing close relations with the European Community and from developing these relations systematically. The 1972 Free Trade Agreement with the Community served as a basis for Austria's broad participation in Western European economic cooperation with the consequence that my country is now more integrated economically with the Community than even some of the traditional member states. As the dynamics of European integration intensified in the mid-1980s, Austria soon realized that free trade was no longer a sufficient basis for its participation in the integration process. Therefore, on 17 July 1989, I presented Austria's application for EC membership to the then President of the EC Council, French Foreign Minister Roland Dumas. The timing of this application - coming before the fundamental changes of autumn 1989 - in itself reflects the strength of Austria's commitment to the objectives of European integration. Subsequent developments confirmed that our decision had been right. In the years 1989-1990 the political, social and military division of our continent came to an end. As a result, the European Union found itself confronted with a new historic challenge. It became a centre of gravity of European politics and an essential factor of stability for all of Europe. Membership in this organization thus assumed an even greater significance. Only accession to the European Union enables Austria to participate fully in shaping Europe's future and to take her place at the heart of Europe that corresponds to her historic role. Austria's European policy was founded on broad political support by the population. In a referendum on 12 June 1994, 67 per cent of Austrians voted for EU membership, a clear confirmation of the government's policy and - more importantly - an overwhelming vote of confidence in the European ideal. At a time when the European Union is going through a period of self-doubt and uncertainty, the Austrian people displayed their faith in the concept of integration as a bulwark against the forces of revived nationalism and as the foundation of a durable European peace order. Austria joins the European Union with hope and confidence for she can make a substantial contribution. Her economic capacity will entail a significant gain for the Union and strengthen the dynamism of the integration process on its way to economic and monetary union. Owing to her economic and social stability, her highly trained workforce as well as her strong currency, Austria will prove to be a partner capable of enlarging and strengthening the basis for a competitive European Union in world markets. At the same time, Austria's EU membership will provide a significant stimulus to the country's economic development. The elimination of border controls between Austria and her EU partners will allow our companies unhindered access to the internal market. Some aspects of discrimination which remained even after the agreement with the EU on the European Economic Area will now disappear. This should make my country even more attractive as an industrial location and as a base for foreign companies. Since EU membership will also enhance Austria's position as a first-rate gateway to the markets of Central and Eastern Europe, we expect a considerable rise in foreign investment. The Austrian economy has weathered the recent recession well. Thanks to our accession to the EU, we are now confident that the recovery will be strong and sustained and that we will be able to build on the high levels of prosperity and stability achieved in the past. Extending the scope of integration Due to her historic ties with the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, Austria will be able to make an important contribution towards the Union's policy with regard to this region and thus help the Union to confront its greatest challenge: to facilitate genuine European unity by gradually extending the scope of integration. It would contradict Austria's historic role in Central Europe if our Eastern borders were to remain in the long term the external borders of the Union. There is no better way to reinforce stability and enhance prosperity in our region than the step by step integration of our neighbours into the Union, thus promoting this process will be one of Austria's priorities as a member state. The intellectual and cultural heritage of Austria is inseparable from Europe's intellectual and cultural history. We see integration as a means of achieving unity, not uniformity. Nobody on this continent wants Europe to become a uniform superstate. Diversity and pluralism make up its strength, its wealth in terms of languages and forms of living, of traditions and cultural values. A new European identity must therefore complement, not replace the manifold existing identities. Austria has long-standing relations with various regions of the world. Accession to the EU will not distract us from developing these ties. On the contrary, we see our EU membership as a means of intensifying and promoting our cooperation with partners outside the Union. Austria will be among those member states that work for a Europe that is not a fortress but a house with many doors and bridges, in constant open communication with other regions. The accession of Austria, Sweden and Finland to the European Union corresponds to the logic of European history. It offers these countries a variety of advantages and increased possibilities to participate in the shaping of Europe's future. At the same time, it enhances the Union's capacity to shoulder its growing responsibility. I am convinced that the present phase of enlargement will prove to be a source of new dynamism for the integration process. Europe needs a coherent and dynamic European Union, and Austria stands ready to contribute to the achievement of this goal. Polls taken in the context of the referendum on EU membership have shown that concern over security was an important motive for voting in favour of Austria's accession. Maybe to a greater extent than other West Europeans, Austrians are aware of the fact that Europe is currently going through a period of reduced stability. The tragedy in former Yugoslavia, in our immediate neighbourhood, has made us acutely sensitive to the renewed threat of aggressive nationalism in Europe and to the insufficient capacity of the existing international instruments for coping with such crises. The dangers of the new Europe go far beyond the military sphere, however. They include the risks of environmental disasters, of uncontrolled flows of migration, of organized crime and international terrorism, to name but a few. In her geographic position, Austria is more exposed to these risks than other West European countries. The radical changes in the security environment necessitate a thorough adjustment of our security policy. This adaptation has to proceed from the premise that our traditional policy, neutrality, no longer constitutes a sufficient response to these new challenges. Most of the new security problems facing Europe - military and non-military alike - cannot be resolved by any state on its own, but only through collective efforts in the framework of common institutions. Austria's accession to the European Union in itself constitutes an important step in the development of our security policy. We see the Union - in spite of all its divisions and limitations - as a community based on solidarity, in which the partners pool parts of their sovereignty and of their resources in order to resolve common problems through joint endeavours. The Union's cohesion and solidarity derives from the interdependence and partial fusion of the economies of member states and thus offers to each partner a security guarantee which might well be more reliable than formal treaty commitments. Particularly with regard to the non-military security threats of today's Europe, ranging from unsafe nuclear reactors (one of the legacies of the Communist system and its complete disregard for the safety and well-being of their citizens) to drug traffic, the Union alone has the cohesion, the know-how and the resources to tackle these problems with any chance of success. It alone has the capacity to approach risks to stability in a comprehensive manner, taking into account their political, economic and social dimensions. One of the priorities of Austria's EU policy will therefore be to contribute to the strengthening of the Union's action in these areas. CFSP and neutrality In the prevention and management of international crises, the Union is still at an early stage. It was hardly prepared for the responsibility for European stability which it had to shoulder after the changes of 1989 and 1990. The provisions of the Maastricht Treaty on a Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) constitute a first reaction to this new situation and were designed to strengthen the Union's capacity as an international actor. Experience since has shown, however, that the development of an effective foreign and security policy for the Union will be a longer term process that will require not only upgraded mechanisms but also - and more importantly - an evolution in the political will of the member states. Only if all partners are determined to tackle foreign policy issues of general interest together in a spirit of loyalty, will the Union be able to formulate and carry out a comprehensive and coherent CFSP. The question of the compatibility of Austria's traditional policy of neutrality and of her participation in the CFSP was frequently raised during the early stages of the accession process. Our position has been clear: there is no contradiction between the CFSP as provided for in the Maastricht Treaty and the core elements of our neutrality law, namely non-participation in military alliances and no stationing of foreign troops on Austrian territory. In her relatively exposed situation on the edge of Europe's stability zone, Austria has every interest in an effective and cohesive foreign and security policy of the Union. She has therefore committed herself to the relevant undertakings of the Maastricht Treaty without any reservations. The Austrian parliament has recently passed a constitutional amendment that will serve as the legal basis for Austria's comprehensive participation in the CFSP. In becoming a member of the Union, Austria has also accepted the objective of the further development of the CFSP which will be discussed at the intergovernmental conference of 1996. Indeed, Austria is looking forward to participating actively and constructively in this conference. Enhancing the effectiveness of the CFSP should be one of its priority tasks. We will have to clarify the relationship between the CFSP and the external relations of the Union. We will have to review and further develop the CFSP's mechanisms and procedures in the light of the experience gained since the entry into force of the Union Treaty. We should expand the Union's capacity for foreign policy planning and analysis and we will consider the next steps in the framing of a common defence policy as provided for in Article J.4 of the Union Treaty. Austria is approaching these negotiations constructively and with an open mind. In their agreement on the formation of the new government of November 1994, the coalition parties stated that Austria will be prepared to participate as a full member in a European security system that might emerge from the intergovernmental conference and that might also evolve from the Western European Union. I am under no illusions with regard to the difficulty of achieving major progress in 1996. We are approaching the review of the Maastricht Treaty only a short while after its entry into force. Many of its provisions have not yet been fully implemented and some of the differences of views that overshadowed the last intergovernmental conference remain unresolved. Yet, the dark clouds in Europe's security environment show us that we do not have much time to lose. In order to safeguard the security of its member states and to project stability to other regions of the Continent, the Union urgently needs a more effective foreign and security policy. Strong ties with the WEU The Maastricht Treaty describes the Western European Union as an "integral part of the development of the Union" and assigns it the task of elaborating and implementing decisions of the Union that have defence implications. The development of the WEU's contribution to European security has thus become a matter of great interest to Austria. The WEU's current work on the formulation of a common European defence policy, an important contribution to the preparation of the intergovernmental conference of 1996, underlines the close interrelationship between this organization and the European Union. We are also following closely the implementation of the Petersberg declaration and the building up of the WEU's operational capacity. The organization's participation in the enforcement of the UN-sanctions in the Adriatic and on the Danube and the deployment of a WEU police contingent in Mostar, give the first concrete evidence of the usefulness of the WEU as an element of European security structures. Austria welcomes the fact that Central European states have been granted the status of Associate Partners of the WEU as a significant step in the evolutionary process leading to their integration into European institutions. Through intensive cooperation with these states, the WEU can make a significant contribution to the overall stability of the Continent. For her part, Austria has become a WEU observer on the date of her accession to the EU, that is, on 1 January 1995. This status affords us the possibility of attending various WEU fora and expressing our views on subjects under discussion. Austria intends to make full and active use of the observer status and to develop strong cooperative ties with the WEU commensurate with its important role in the integration process. It is my firm belief that the development of a European security and defence identity must proceed not in competition with, but as a complement to, the Atlantic Alliance. The active involvement of the United States and Canada in European security policy is essential, particularly at this time of reduced stability and a high risk of crisis. This fact, too, was highlighted by the development of the conflict in the former Yugoslavia. Austria thus supports the maintenance of a strong transatlantic partnership and the continued presence of United States forces in Europe. We are well aware that during the time of the Cold War, Austria's security relied to a significant extent on the strength and determination of the Western Alliance. Even though the security environment has changed radically since that time, NATO continues to play an essential role in reinforcing Europe's, and thus also Austria's, security. Since 1989, NATO has gone a long way in adapting its doctrine, structures and policies to the new European situation. One key element of this process was the development of dialogue and cooperation with the Central and Eastern European states and other CSCE countries. The North Atlantic Cooperation Council and the Partnership for Peace initiative have established themselves as a valuable framework for multilateral security cooperation. They help to overcome the divisions of the past while ensuring by their inclusive nature that no new divisions are created. Participation in PfP Over the years, Austria has built bilateral cooperative ties in the military field with her immediate neighbours. The government also decided to participate in the Partnership for Peace initiative, and signed the Framework Document on 10 February. Our participation will focus in particular on the area of peacekeeping where Austria has accumulated substantial experience over many years in the framework of the United Nations. We are confident we can make a significant contribution to the establishment of a European peacekeeping capability, and are especially interested in the Partnership for Peace work on humanitarian missions and disaster relief. Austria's inclusion in the Partnership for Peace programme will constitute an important new stage in her involvement in cooperative security structures in Europe and a valuable opportunity to develop her relations with the Atlantic Alliance. Austria is following the discussion on the possible enlargement of NATO with great interest. We can understand the wish of Central European countries to enjoy the stability and security that derives from full membership in the transatlantic security community. We also believe that an enlarged NATO which constitutes a system of collective defence made up of democratic countries will not threaten any other state, but could, on the contrary, contribute to the preservation of peace and security on the entire Continent. I should like to stress, however, that the process of NATO enlargement needs to be handled with the utmost care and circumspection, and in a manner that takes the legitimate interests of all sides into account. The creation of new antagonisms and negative consequences for the internal reform processes in some countries must be avoided. It thus appears essential that NATO develop a strong partnership with Russia and that an enlarged NATO be part of a highly developed and solid structure of cooperative security in which Russia can play a role that corresponds to her size and importance. A secure place for Ukraine in such a structure is also extremely important. The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) - formerly the CSCE - is highly qualified to serve as such a comprehensive framework for dialogue and cooperation on European security. Its documents offer a substantive and detailed code of conduct based on shared values which should guide the policies of the member states in all areas. Reaching from Vancouver to Vladivostok, the OSCE provides an irreplaceable forum for a broad, continuing dialogue, in which the interests of all participants can be brought together in a truly comprehensive perspective on European developments. It thus plays a vital role in overcoming the legacy of old divisions and in preventing the emergence of new barriers. The OSCE has also established a promising capacity in preventive diplomacy, crisis management and peacekeeping, and continues to play a significant role in arms control. Considerable progress has been achieved in recent years in adjusting the OSCE to its new functions, but much remains to be done. Austria, which hosts important OSCE institutions, remains committed to strengthening the Organization and making it as effective as possible. It follows from this short summing-up of Austria's views on the various European security institutions that we are confronted with a process of continuing and far-reaching transformation. I have some problems with the much used metaphor of the "European security architecture" since this concept seems to connote an element of solidity and continuity which is simply not present in the European situation of today. There is, of course, a core area of stability with the European Union and NATO at its centre, an area that we are seeking to consolidate and expand. The internal and external challenges confronting European security, however, are changing, and the institutional and substantive responses have to be adjusted accordingly. There is thus still considerable uncertainty regarding the configuration of the European security structures five or ten years from now, the interrelationship between the various organizations and the precise options of individual states. For countries such as Austria, this situation requires a readiness to review their security policy continuously, in order to safeguard their national security interests effectively and to contribute to overall stability in Europe. Our basic approach is clear: in the new European situation, security cannot be assured through self-isolation but only through common efforts and shared responsibility. Since no state can guarantee its security on its own, all have to contribute to the common security. This fundamental conviction, that there is no security without solidarity, underlies our approach to the further development of European security structures. © Copyright by North Atlantic Treaty Organisation 1995.